influence impressed upon those institutions. | designating the worst actions by the best Those institutions are deeply and broadly names. It panders to pusillanimity, and planted in the soil, and that soil is not calls it arbitration; it submits to foreign the possession of any exclusive class. The exactions, and calls it diplomacy; it impairs merchant or the manufacturer may deposit efficiency by reduction, and calls it economy; within it his accumulated capital, and he it sues for peace when under humiliating may enjoy those privileges to which its defeat, and calls it "obedience to the dictates possession entitles him, on condition that of humanity;" it inspires class-jealousies, he discharges those duties which its posses- and calls it reform; it burlesques rule, and sion also imposes. Then why this hostility calls it statesmanship: confounding comto the land? Every man is deeply inter- promise with courage and commercial prosested in maintaining its influence. I, there- perity with national glory, Liberalism has fore, adjure those gentlemen who are the exhibited to a sneering Europe how easy it representatives of large towns, to condescend is to transform a first-rate kingdom into a to ponder over these observations, and not second-rate republic. For a few proud to be led away by prejudices; remembering, years Englishmen ceased to be ashamed of that we are all alike interested in maintain- themselves and their country; but now the ing the greatness of our country, and that period of humiliation has again arrived. that greatness depends upon its institutions Lord Beaconsfield gave us the treaty of as well as its material prosperity. Should, Berlin: Mr. Gladstone has given us the however, as I trust not, the representatives Transvaal Convention. of towns take another course, then of this I feel convinced, that if they are still alienated from us-if they still proceed in their illusory progress, they may, perhaps, arrive at the goal which they contemplate, they may perhaps achieve the object they have set before them; but I believe they will be greatly disappointed in the result, and that they will only find that they have changed a first-rate kingdom into a secondrate republic." We who, during two miserable decades, remember how baneful upon the prestige of the country has been the influence of recent Liberalism-when the extension of commerce appeared as the sole aim of English politics-have had good reason to make our moan over the fulfilment of the prophecy of Mr. Disraeli. We know what it is to have seen a first-rate kingdom exercising the authority and holding the position of a second-rate republic. Bitter experience has taught us what we have to expect from a political creed deprived of all manliness, and animated by no patriotism. We are not to be deceived by the new nomenclature of things; for Liberalism treats its policy as men treat their vices But matters of far graver moment than insults passed upon a friendly sovereign, or erroneous projects of finance, were to engage the criticism of the leader of the Opposition. After a peaceful pause of well-nigh forty years, England was to drift into a European war. The causes which led to hostilities in the Crimea have been so fully treated elsewhere, that we shall but touch upon them as they tend to elucidate the policy of Mr. Disraeli. For many years the guardianship and possession of certain places at Jerusalem had been a source of contention between Christians professing the faith of the Latin and Greek churches. These localities, known as the Holy Places, are hallowed from an alleged connection with the Redeemer of mankind, with the Blessed Virgin, or with some of the early disciples. The church of the Holy Sepulchre built upon Mount Calvary, and in which the sepulchre of Christ is said to exist, occupies the most prominent position among these sacred spots. Towards the close of the seventeenth century this Holy Sepulchre was appropriated to the Latins; and though other Christians were allowed to enter it for the purpose of private devotions, the Latins alone were government admitted the justice of the allowed to celebrate mass therein. It French claims; and things were progressing continued to afford constant matter of very favourably when the Emperor Nicholas dispute between various denominations of wrote a letter to the Sultan, requiring his Christians; France always appearing as adherence to the status quo. Pressed by the champion of the Latin, while Russia these formidable rivals, the Sultan knew espoused the cause of the Greek Church. not how to act; and as the discussion was In 1740 a treaty was signed between prolonged, the Emperor Nicholas gradually France and the Porte, having special refer- disclosed his real intentions. An arrangeence to this question. Alleged infractions ment was nearly concluded in 1852; but in the terms of this treaty, and encroach- towards the close of the year the Czar ments by the Greek Christians upon the began to set the forces of his empire privileges and possessions of the Latin in motion. In February, 1853, Prince Church, formed, on several occasions, the Mentschikoff repaired to Constantinople, as subject of complaint from the French extraordinary ambassador from Russia; and government. A few years after the treaty although the real nature of his mission did a very serious outbreak occurred at Jeru- not at first transpire, it soon became evident salem, caused by dissensions between the that the ruin of Turkey was intended. followers of the rival churches; and a hatti-scheriff was promulgated, expelling the Latins from the Church of the Tomb of the Virgin and the Church of Bethlehem, and placing the holy sanctuaries under the protection of the Greek monks. Thus were the rights and privileges granted to the Latins by the treaty of 1740 gradually encroached upon and abrogated, by successive decrees issued at Constantinople in favour of the Greek Christians. These matters continued to be as fiercely contested at Jerusalem as ever, until further complicated by a fire that consumed a considerable portion of the Holy Sepulchre in 1808. The Greeks now obtained permission to rebuild the edifice, and grounded upon this concession additional rights and prerogatives. In 1819 France and Russia again interfered, and each of them sent a commissioner into Palestine, to inquire into and report upon the disputed claims. In the following year, M. Marcellus, the French commissioner, drew up a list of the holy places, and enumerated the prerogatives of the Latin Church. A satisfactory settlement could not, however, be made; and after a temporary lull, the French government, in 1850, directed their representative at Constantinople to endeavour to effect some arrangement. The Turkish The points conceded to Russia respecting the holy places by Turkey were deemed unsatisfactory; and Prince Mentschikoff, shortly after his arrival, took his departure from Constantinople. The Czar now published a manifesto against the Sultan, and marched his troops into the Danubian principalities in spite of the strong protest of Turkey. The four great powers now interfered for the purpose of adjusting the question pacifically, and a conference assembled at Vienna. The celebrated Vienna note was drawn up, and since it virtually conceded to Russia all she demanded, was readily accepted by the representative of the Czar. Turkey, however, declined to accede to its clauses unless they were considerably modified, a request which Russia refused to listen to.* Copy of the Vienna Projet de Note, as modified by the Sublime Porte, for which I am indebted to Mr. Kinglake's work. [The Turkish modifications are shown by printing in italics the words which the Porte rejected, and placing the words which it proposed to substitute in the foot-note.] Sa Majesté le Sultan n'ayant rien de plus à cœur que de rétablir entre elle et Sa Majesté l'Empereur de Russie les relations de bon voisinage et de parfaite entente qui ont été malheureusement altérée par de récentes et pénibles complications, a pris soigneusement à tâcher de rechercher les moyens d'effacer les traces de ce différence. Un iradé suprême en date du lui ayant fait connaître la décision Impériale, la Sublime Porte se félicite de pouvoir la communiquer à son Excellence M. le Comte de Nesselrode. Si à toute époque les Empereurs de Russie ont témoignés religious privileges to the communities of all confessions; and 4. A definite settlement of the convention respecting the holy places. These points were approved of by the four great powers. The Czar, thanks to the vacillation of Lord | 1. The promptest possible evacuation of Aberdeen, and to the sneers of the Liberals the Danubian principalities; 2. Revision at the emperor of the French, was under of the treaties; 3. The maintenance of the impression that England would never fight, that the alliance between England and France was only a sham, and that the struggle would simply be limited to Turkey and Russia; in which case the Muscovite would prove an easy victor. The strained relationship between the two countries now gave way, and Turkey declared war against Russia, October 5, 1853. Shortly after the wrecking of the Turkish fleet at Sinope by the Russians, the congress at Vienna addressed another note to the Porte, expressing the regret of the great powers at the war, and requesting information as to the conditions on which Turkey would treat for peace. In reply the Porte named four points as bases of negotiation:leur active sollicitude pour le maintien des immunités et privilèges de l'Eglise Orthodoxe Grecque dans l'Empire Ottoman, les Sultans ne se sont jamais refusés à les consacrer de nouveau par des actes solennels qui attestaient de leur ancienne et constante bienveillance à l'égard de leurs sujets Chrétiens. Sa Majesté le Sultan Abdul-Medjid, aujourd'hui régnant, animé des mêmes dispositions et voulant donner à Sa Majesté l'Empereur de Russie un témoignage personnel de son amitié la plus sincère, n'a ècoutè que sa confiance infinie dans les qualités éminentes de son auguste ami et allié, et a daigné prendre en sérieuse considération les représentations dont son Altesse le Prince de Mentschikoff s'est rendu l'organe auprès de la Sublime Porte. Le Soussigné a recu en conséquence l'ordre de déclarer par la présente que le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté le Sultan restera fidèle à la lettre et à l'esprit des stipulations des Traites de Kainardji et d'Andrinople, relatives à la protection du culte Chrétien, fet que Sa Majesté regarde comme étant de son honneur de faire observer à tout jamais, et de préserver de toute atteinte, soit présentement, soit dans l'avenir, la jouissance des privilèges spirituels qui ont été accordés par les augustes aïeux de Sa Majesté à l'Eglise Orthodoxe de l'Orient, qui sont maintenus et confirmés par elle; et, en outre, à faire participer dans un esprit de haute équité le rit Grec aux avantages concédés aux autres rits Chrétiens par Convention ou disposition particulière. ‡ Au reste, comme le firman Impérial qui vient d'être donné au patriarcat et au clergé Grec, et qui contient les confirmations de leurs privilèges spirituels, devra être regardé comme une nouvelle preuve de ses nobles sentiments, et comme, en outre, la proclamation de ce firman, qui donne toute sécurité, devra faire disparaître toute crainte à l'égard du rit qui est la la religion de Sa Majesté l'Empereur de Russie; je suis heureux d'être chargé du devoir de faire la présente notification. Le culte et l'Eglise Orthodoxe Grecque, les Sultans n'ont While these events were occurring, the greatest excitement prevailed in London. All through the month of September the country was holding agitated meetings to rouse the government into decided action, and make it abandon its course of culpable delay and irresolution. The cabinet was divided. Lord Aberdeen still hoped that peace might be restored by the efforts of diplomacy. Lord Palmerston, on the contrary, who was the only minister who thoroughly understood the intricacies of the Eastern question, was most anxious that the united English and French fleets, then anchored in Besika Bay, should be ordered to take up their position in the Black Sea. He was overruled, and for a time withdrew from the cabinet on the ground, which deceived no one, that he differed from Lord John Russell as to the measure relating to parliamentary reform, which was about to be laid before the House of Commons. But the country cared nothing at this exciting moment for parliamentary reform, but much as to the development of the Eastern question. The course of events proved that unless England was prepared to encourage Russian aggression, and to place her own Indian empire in jeopardy, she must shake off Aberdeen apathy and delay, and resort to active measures. Lord Palmerston returned to the cabinet, and his views were accepted. The allied squadrons entered the Black Sea, resolved to teach the Russian fleet that there should be no repetition of "the jamais cessé de veiller au maintien des immunités et privilèges massacre of Sinope." War had not been qu'ils ont spontanément accordés à diverses reprises à ce culte et d'Andrinople, relatives à la protection par la Sublime Porte de la religion Chrétienne, et il est en outre chargé de faire con declared; but everyone felt that it was only a matter of weeks, perhaps of days, before the allied powers and the isolated Muscovite would be at daggers drawn. supervision, its grasp of public business would have been firmer and more tenacious. The tone of the debate that ensued was manly, without braggadocio. England had endeavoured by every means of forbearance consistent with her national honour to avoid hostilities; but now, if she was to have war, it behoved her to carry it on as became a nation conscious of her strength. Such was the keynote struck by most of the speeches. The tactics of Russia hoodwinked no one. "The whole policy of Russia," said Lord Derby, "for the last 150 years has been a policy of gradual aggression-not a policy of conquest, but of aggression. It has never proceeded by storm, but by sap and mine. The first process has been invariably that of fomenting discontent and dissatisfaction amongst the subjects of subordinate states-then proffering mediation; then offering assistance to the weaker party; then placing that independence under the protection Parliament met January 30, 1854. The speech from the throne was guarded, yet showed that the country was prepared for the worst. "The hopes," said Her Majesty, "which I expressed at the close of the last session, that a speedy settlement would be effected of the differences existing between Russia and the Ottoman Porte, have not been realized, and I regret to say that a state of warfare has ensued. I have continued to act in cordial co-operation with the emperor of the French; and my endeavours to preserve and to restore peace between the contending parties, although hitherto unsuccessful, have been unremitting. I will not fail to persevere in these endeavours; but as the continuance of the war may deeply affect the interests of the country and of Europe, I think it requisite to make a further augmentation of my naval and military forces, with the view of supporting my representations, and of more effectually contributing to the restoration of peace." Then with misplaced activity, of Russia; and finally from protection as if, with the prospect of a grave European war on their hands, ministers had not sufficient to occupy the whole of their attention, mention was made of the measures the cabinet intended to introduce during the present session. The coasting trade of the United Kingdom was to be opened to the ships of all friendly nations. The system of admission into the civil service was to be altered. The laws relating to the representation of the Commons in parliament were to be amended. Precautions were to be taken against the evils of bribery and of corrupt practices at elections. Nor was university reform to be neglected. Not without reason was the Aberdeen cabinet called "All the Talents," when at In the Lower House Mr. Disraeli delivered so supreme a moment in the fortunes of the a short but keen criticism upon the foreign country it could think of such minor details and domestic policy of the government. An as to how young men were to become eye-witness describes his personal appearclerks in government offices; how electors ance on this occasion: "On the first row were to be prevented from selling their next the table, about mid-way, and near votes; and how one of our two great schools to one of the two green velvet-covered, of learning was to be improved. Perhaps, brass-ornamented boxes, which flank a had the government limited its range of small collection of well-bound books, in proceeding to the incorporation, one by one, of those states into the gigantic body of the Russian empire. I say nothing of Poland, or of Livonia, but I speak of Mingrelia, Imeritia, and the countries of the Caspian, even as far as the boundary of the Araxes; and again, of the Crimea itself. But this has been the one course which Russia has invariably pursued; although she has pursued this steady course for 150 years, she has from time to time desisted from her schemes where she has found that they met with opposition, and has never carried one of those schemes into effect where she has been certain to meet the opposition of this country." front of which the mace reposes, sits the | and satisfactory conclusion of the Eastern ex-leader of the House and ex-chancellor question, had not been fulfilled. Diplomacy of the exchequer, Mr. Disraeli. Familiar had made no progress. The House was as his appearance has been made by the pictorial squibs of the day, scant justice has been done to him even in caricatures. He has nothing of the hollow-eyed, roundbacked, Jew-boy look, which has been so liberally bestowed on him. If it be true that his countenance does not come up to the English standard of manly beauty, and if it is strongly indicative of race-and that neither Norman nor Saxon-yet an impartial and candid observer would admit that it has a character striking and even distinguished. He is neither tall nor is he short; he is rather thin; his forehead is high, rounded, and smooth; he has black eye-brows, clear, dark-brown eyes, high cheek-bones, lips firmly set, a pointed chin, and black hair, curling like tendrils all over his compact head, of which one curl is intended to droop carelessly over the brow, but somehow seems to have been got into its place with pains. So of his dress it may be said that it is elaborated into carelessness; but the art is not sufficiently artfully concealed. Its details, its minutiæ, are studiously correct. He sits sunk into his seat; his head, always uncovered, reclining forward, so that his eyes appear to be fixed on the ground or staring at vacancy-which they by no means are and his whole attitude that of the most rigid repose, till what he conceives to be the right moment for being aroused arrives, and the listlessness-which, added to the paleness of his complexion, would seem significant of fragility of body or ill health-is cast off for animation and vigour, equal to a sustained speech of five hours and a half." On this occasion, when he condemned the credulity and vacillation of the government during their negotiations with Russia, Mr. Disraeli did not speak for five hours. and a half; but vigour and animation were certainly not wanting. He complained that the expectations held out by ministers at the end of last session, as to an immediate addressed now much in the same terms as it had been then. They were told that negotiations were going on, and that a hope was still held out that those negotiations might be successful. If the government had really resolved to maintain not only the integrity but the independence of the Porte, he regretted the unwise and unnecessary timidity in the language of the address. The tone taken in the speech and address with regard to these transactions between the Porte and Russia, should have been of a higher character. He had heard, however, with pleasure of the cordial co-operation of the queen with the emperor of the French. "I cannot fail to remember," he said, alluding to the past strictures of Sir Charles Wood and Sir James Graham upon the 'despotism' of Napoleon, "though I have no inclination to dwell upon the circumstance at this moment, that little more than twelve months ago, I felt it my duty to call the attention of the House to the relations between this country and France. I thought it my duty to attempt to call the attention of parliament and of the country to certain expressions and certain conduct of eminent personages who, from their abilities and their station, were able to influence public opinion—which expressions and conduct, I was convinced, had a tendency to weaken that good feeling between England and France which, under all circumstances, should be cherished; but which, under the then and present aspect of affairs, was doubly desirable and important. I remember I was told then that my observations. were factious observations; but I appeal for my vindication to the language which is now held in Her Majesty's speech." " Mr. Disraeli admitted that the political "I have continued to act in cordial co-operation with the emperor of the French; and my endeavours, in conjunction with my allies, to preserve and to restore peace between the contending parties, although hitherto unsuccessful, have been unremitting."-The Queen's Speech Jan. 31, 1854. |