cenaries whose political sympathies were not engaged, and who were described by the duke as "so addicted to desertion that they were very unfit for our army." The measure would not only be ineffectual, but it was impolitic. The inference drawn by foreigners from this project would be that greenness of the wound, that even these placed upon the fidelity of foreign merreflections can serve as a source of solace. Young women who have become widows almost as soon as they had become wives -mothers who have lost not only their sons, but the brethren of those sons-heads of families who have seen abruptly close all their hopes of a hereditary line-these are pangs which even the consciousness the recruiting power of England was of duty performed, which even the lustre of glory won, cannot easily or speedily alleviate and assuage. But let us indulge at least in the hope, in the conviction, that the time will come when the proceedings of this evening may be to such persons a source of consolation-when sorrow for the memory of those that are departed may be mitigated by the recollection that their death is at least associated with imperishable deeds, with a noble cause, and with a nation's gratitude." During the few days before Christmas that parliament had re-assembled, a measure was introduced which caused a good deal of excitement, and encountered no little opposition. It was the enlistment of foreigners' bill-a measure which proposed to raise a force of foreigners, not exceeding 15,000 in number, to be drilled and trained in England. To this foreign legion Mr. Disraeli objected. He did not concern himself with the constitutional aspect of the case. Whether it was agreeable to the feelings of the country that foreign troops should be enlisted, drilled, and disciplined, and that a large depôt amounting to thousands should be reserved in the country, was a question not for lawyers to decide, but for the nation. He had no objection to see his countrymen as was now the case-fighting by the side of foreigners who were allies; but he did object to their fighting by the side of mercenaries. He proved, by extracts from the correspondence of the Duke of Wellington, that no dependence could be VOL. I. exhausted. The bill was calculated to paralyse the power of the government, and to depress the spirit of the country. Appeals to the patriotism of the House of Commons had always been generously responded to; why then were the necessary preparations not made in time? They were engaged in a great war; let them at least have confidence in themselves and in their own resources. "I recommend," said Mr. Disraeli in conclusion, "gentlemen to refresh their memory by turning to the pages of Thucydides. I recommend them to read the despatch of Nicias to the Athenian assembly when he says, 'Men of Athens, I know that you do not like to hear the truth; but understand this-you sent me out to be a besieger, but lo! I am besieged!' Now, sir, we know what was the end of the Sicilian expedition. May that Divine Providence that has watched over the sage and the free save us from a similar conclusion! But at least let us do now what the Athenians did even in their proud despair. They sacrificed to the gods, and appealed to the energies of their countrymen. We at a moment, not, I believe, of equal danger, in a situation which I pray may end in triumph, but still a situation of doubt, of terrible anxiety, even of anguish -we bring in a bill in order to enlist foreign mercenaries to vindicate the fortunes of England!" Though encountering no little opposition, the bill passed by a majority of thirty-eight. The day before Christmas-eve parliament adjourned to January 23, 1855. 39 THE Christmas that ensued was one of the | Russian generals, Janvier and Fevrier, had dullest and most oppressive of seasons. There was scarcely a family which had not to mourn the loss of some dear relative. Letters and despatches were eagerly awaited, for no wife or sister felt sure that the next post would not bring tidings of the death of him she loved, laid low by Russian bullets or by fever brought on by the inclemency of the weather, and heightened by the privation of the necessaries of life. The winter at home was severe, and men, as they saw themselves surrounded by all the comforts of civilization, could not help thinking sadly of their brethren battling with the Arctic terrors of a Crimean December, and lacking all that was calculated to make such resistance effective. Day after day the newspapers revealed fresh blunders of the government-blunders supported by the testimony of invalided soldiers now safely housed on English soil -which plainly proved, if proof were wanting, how utterly incapable was the administration to deal with the difficulties of a winter campaign. Tents sent out in November had not yet arrived; furs and flannels were still lying packed on the quays awaiting the orders for shipment that were never delivered; stores of all kinds had been despatched to the wrong ports; the medical staff was at its wit's end to attend to the incessant appeals made upon its limited requirements; the hospitals were crowded, and no new shelter was forthcoming; the commissariat system admitted its inability to perform the duties intrusted to it; all was irritating confusion and wasted energy. Meanwhile, the soldiers in the trenches and on the heights before Sebastopol were dying by the score; the no reason to complain of the manner in which the work of decimation was being carried on. Whilst such terrible events were taking place on the shores of the Black Sea, society at home was not in the mood to trouble itself as to festivities and hospitalities, in which it had no heart. It was more disposed to pray than to play. The churches were crowded, whilst the places of amusement were comparatively deserted. On the meeting of parliament, the anxiety of the nation was not allowed to pass unheeded. In both Houses notices of motion were announced with the object of criticising the conduct of the government as to its supervision of military details. In the Upper Chamber Lord Lyndhurst moved, "That in the opinion of this House the expedition to the Crimea was undertaken by Her Majesty's government with very inadequate means, and without due caution or sufficient inquiry into the nature and extent of the resistance to be expected from the enemy; and that the neglect and mismanagement of the government in the conduct of the enterprise have led to the most disastrous results." In the Lower House Mr. Roebuck demanded a strict inquiry into the whole administration of the war, and moved, "That a select committee be appointed to inquire into the condition of our army before Sebastopol, and into the conduct of those departments of the government whose duty it has been to minister to the wants of that army." Whilst these two motions were hanging over the heads of ministers, an event occurred which ultimately led to the establishment of what Mr. Disraeli called THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD AND HIS TIMES. 307 a "re-burnished" cabinet. Lord John blame upon the Duke of Newcastle, he had Russell had long disapproved of the war desired that to Lord Palmerston should department being intrusted to the control have been intrusted the seals of the war of the Duke of Newcastle, and he had more department; but the prime minister had than once brought his objections before the declined to concur in the suggestion. attention of the cabinet. His views, how- He would have tendered his resignation ever, failed to impress the prime minister before this, only he had been dissuaded with the necessity for change, and the by Lord Palmerston, and had reluctantly secretary for war still continued in office. consented to continue a member of the Lord John felt that the conduct of the cabinet. But the motion of Mr. Roebuck government was to blame, that there were compelled him to return to his original just grounds for the inquiry demanded by resolve. He could not now fairly and Mr. Roebuck, and that under the circum- honestly say, "It is true evils do exist, stances he considered it due to his sense of but such arrangements have been made political honour to retire from the admin- that all deficiencies and abuses will be istration in which he had occupied so immediately remedied." He was not prominent a position. He tendered his satisfied with the arrangements as to the resignation, and announced to a full and future. Therefore, he considered he could excited House of Commons the reasons which come to only one conclusion-that as he had induced him to take that course. He was unable to give the only answer that frankly admitted that the evils complained would stop inquiry, it was his duty not of by the Opposition called for parlia- to remain a member of the government. mentary inquiry. The condition of the army Accordingly he had placed his resignation before Sebastopol was most melancholy. in the hands of Lord Aberdeen, which Her The accounts which arrived from that Majesty had been graciously pleased to quarter were not only painful, but horrible accept. and heart-rending. "And, sir," continued this candid friend, "I must say that there is something that, with all the official knowledge to which I had access, is to me inexplicable in the state of that army. If you had been told as a reason against the expedition to the Crimea last year that your troops would be seven miles from the sea-seven miles from a secure port, which at that time, in contemplation of the expedition, we hardly hoped to possess, and that at seven miles' distance they should be in want of food, of clothes, and of shelter, to such a degree that they should perish at the rate of from ninety to one hundred a day—I should have considered such a prediction as utterly preposterous, such an objection as fanciful and unjust. But now we are forced to confess the notoriety of that state of circumstances." He had, he confessed, never been satisfied with the administration of the war departments. Without wishing to throw any This move on the part of Lord John Russell did not meet with general approval. It was considered as a desertion of his colleagues at a moment when a highminded man would have done all in his power to rally round them and strengthen their cause. He might have resigned before, but under no circumstances should he have resigned whilst a vote of censure was pending. It was like a general quitting the staff on the eve of battle. "You will have the appearance," wrote Lord Palmerston to him when informed of Lord John's intention, "of having remained in office, aiding in carrying on a system of which you disapprove until driven out by Roebuck's announced notice; and the government will have the appearance of self-condemnation by flying from a discussion which they dare not face; while as regards the country, the action of the executive will be paralyzed for a time in a critical moment of a great war, with an impending negotiation, and weakness, and had to confess, amid the sympathetic cheers of the House, his inability to proceed. He simply moved for a select committee, and then sat down. we shall exhibit to the world a melancholy | his statements when he was seized with spectacle of disorganization among our political men at home similar to that which has prevailed among our military men abroad." By most persons the course pursued by Lord John on this occasion was considered scheming and disloyal. It savoured, as Mr. Bentinck put it, amid the cheers of the House, "more of the foresight and adroitness of political scheming, than of the impulses of political patriotism." This division in the cabinet tended all the more to convince public opinion as to the necessity of the inquiry demanded by Mr. Roebuck. That gentleman had for some time been in failing health, and when he rose to bring his motion before the House of Commons his strength only permitted him to do little more than introduce the subject to his audience. His debility at such a moment was unfortunate, for it was known that he had been assiduously studying all matters connected with the maladministration of the government, and his grasp of facts, coupled with his powers of invective and natural love of adverse criticism, promised an amusing and damaging speech. The little that he said was, however, much to the point. An army unparalleled in numbers and equipments had left our shores, and was now admitted to be in a condition which wrung the hearts of the country. He wished to ask two questions. What was the condition of the army before Sebastopol? How had that condition been brought about? The army had been reduced from 54,000 to 14,000, of whom only 5000 were now fit for duty. They were without food, clothes, shelter, or ammunition. What had become of the missing 40,000? This grave loss, and the miseries the troops had been called upon to endure, were solely due to the incapacity of the government. At Balaclava there were stores sufficient for twice the army, yet owing to blunder after blunder they were unable to be transported seven miles to our famished and half-naked troops. Mr. Roebuck was about to substantiate The debate that ensued on the motion plainly showed the necessity of the inquiry demanded by Mr. Roebuck. Speaker after speaker rose up to prove how an army three times victorious had been left to be utterly destroyed by those who should have warmly supported it. It was told how men marched against the enemy without shoes, and almost in want of ammunition-how disgraceful was the state of the food doled out to the troops-how pestilential was the condition of the hospitals at Scutari and Constantinople-how frequently the wounded English were indebted to French mules and French ambulances-how limited was the medical staff-and how, throughout the expedition, the soldiers were subject to privations which ordinary skill and prescience could have prevented. "We accuse you," cried Sir Bulwer Lytton, addressing the Treasury bench, "of this-that you entered, not indeed hastily, but with long deliberation, with ample time for forethought if not for preparation, into the most arduous enterprise this generation has witnessed, in the most utter ignorance of the power and resources of the enemy you were to encounter, the nature of the climate you were to brave, of the country you were to enter, and of the supplies which your army should receive." It was in vain that Mr. Gladstone endeavoured to throw his shield over his colleagues. Defence against such glaring shortcomings was impossible. The member for the University of Oxford contended that the state of the army had been greatly misrepresented. The distress had been much exaggerated. The war department did not deserve the reproaches that had been cast upon it. Mistakes, it was true, had been made, but in the future they would be rectified-more huts, more clothing, more ammunition, more stores of all chancellor of the exchequer upon that parallel between the present circumstances and those which attended the inquiry into Walcheren, let them for a moment remember what were the circumstances which they had to consider, and let them take that broad and common sense view of them which the people of this country had for some time adopted. kinds had recently been sent out, and the | lars, and that in others it was inexpedient grievances complained of would certainly to give it. After all the arguments of the not arise again. The committee proposed to be appointed would work no useful purpose; it was impossible in principle and impracticable in action, and was merely the handle used for casting a vote of censure on ministers. For its adoption it had no precedent; between the Walcheren inquiry and the Sebastopol inquiry no comparison could be instituted, for the two expeditions were totally dissimilar. He protested "You do not deny," said Mr. Disraeli, against the motion of Mr. Roebuck as use-"that a great army has perished in a disless to the army, unconstitutional in its tant country to which it has been sent. nature, and dangerous to the honour and The chancellor of the exchequer says that the interests of the commons of England. the amount of our loss has been misrepreMr. Disraeli succeeded Mr. Gladstone, sented and exaggerated. He says that it and his speech (January 29, 1855), as was was an army of 54,000 men, or 56,000 to be expected, was one of the most dam- men, and that there are 30,000 still bearaging that the cabinet had to listen to. ing arms, and that only 24,000 or 26,000 He began by discussing the question of therefore have perished. Is not that then, the similarity between the Crimean war I ask, a subject worthy of inquiry? But and the Walcheren expedition. Mr. Glad- the chancellor of the exchequer at the same stone had taken the instance of the inquiry time dilates upon the contradictory accounts into the Walcheren expedition, and had which exist upon the subject. Well, then, said, "You have urged upon us what is there not some ground for inquiry, when is a false resemblance between the pre- it is a question whether 20,000 or 30,000 sent state of affairs and that which British troops have disappeared; when the existed at the time of the investigation first minister of the crown in this House into Walcheren; and I will show you tells us, with the advantage of his official points of difference which you cannot experience, that the causes of that loss are contest." He entirely agreed with the inexplicable to him, and when the chanchancellor of the exchequer. There were cellor of the exchequer tells us that the points of difference between the present greatest misconceptions and misrepresentacase and that of the inquiry into Walcheren. tions exist upon the subject? I ask you, No minister of the crown, in the case of the is not that a fair ground for inquiry into a Walcheren expedition, had come forward, subject so interesting to the people of this as Lord John Russell had come forward, country? But, says the chancellor of the and said that the state of affairs in his exchequer, still harping upon the instance mind demanded inquiry-that, with all the of Walcheren, would you justify yourselves advantages of his official position and of in the present case by having recourse to his accumulated parliamentary experience, means and measures which in that instance there was in that state of affairs something might have been justified because the inexplicable to him. In the case of Wal- transactions to which they referred were cheren, instead of the first minister of the concluded? But the chancellor of the crown in that House making such admis- exchequer has misconceived, or has for a sions, they had him urging the inexpediency moment forgotten, the nature of the motion of the course, and telling them that infor- of the hon. and learned member for Sheffield mation was not required in many particu- (Mr. Roebuck). The motion of the hon. and |