CHAPTER XVIII. A VIGILANT CRITIC. THE atmosphere at this time was charged | once proceeded to violent measures against with war, and with that irritation which often results in war. Across the Atlantic the American Union was in a state of disintegration. Abraham Lincoln had been declared president-elect of the United States, and political agitation at once began to work and seethe in the South. For some time observers of American politics had been predicting a conflict between the northern and southern states of the Union. The abolitionists, as they daily increased in strength, became more and more clamorous against slavery. Their declamations, however, mattered little to the South, so long as the North were in such a minority as not to affect materially the course of legislation; but when the abolitionists, owing to immigration and the spread of English ideas throughout the North, swelled into a formidable faction the slave-owners became alarmed, and banding themselves together, resolved to resist any infringement of their rights. The division between the two parties widened every day, and it was soon evident from the tone of Congress that a struggle for the mastery was impending. The fight for the Territories first brought both sections into collision. The advantage of attaching each new state to its own side was apparent to both of the contending parties an advantage which was the more manifest as the rival powers became more equal, and the accession of a free state was received with a joy by the North only to be equalled by the delight of the South at the addition of another slave state. Upon the proposal for the admission of Kansas into the Union the argument degenerated into a free fight. The Southerners poured hordes of desperadoes into the territory, who at VOL. I. the immigrants transported there by the organization of the abolitionists. After a fierce struggle, which resulted in no little slaughter, the anti-slavery section was victorious, and ousted their opponents. The South were not only defeated, but found themselves more and more incapable of resisting the pressure put upon them in Congress by the abolitionists. The Missouri compromise, which allowed slavery below certain latitude, was annulled, and measures passed prohibiting the introduction of negro bondage into any territory of the United States. Then came the insurrection at Harper's Ferry. John Brown, a man who had fought with signal courage in Kansas against the supporters of slavery, now conceived the idea of waging war with the dealers in human flesh, and resolved to smite the Southerners hip and thigh. Accompanied by a few followers, he crossed the Potomac at Harper's Ferry, and entered Virginia, where he incited the slaves to rise against their owners. His words did not fall on unwilling ears; an insurrection was created, and a smart conflict between master and negro ensued. After a brief struggle Brown was captured, tried for treason, and sentenced to death. "Gentlemen," he said to his judges, "make an end of slavery, or slavery will make an end of you." Much sympathy was expressed for his fate; and the South had to confess that the extinction of their rights as slave-owners was certain as soon as the abolitionists could muster strength enough to control the government. The election of Buchanan, the pro-slavery candidate, as president of the United 59 States, delayed for a time the necessity | above all, incapable of passion, and thereof secession. But only for a time. It fore perhaps the most suited to mould a was evident that the election of 1860 passionate and impulsive race. An admirwould settle the vexed question whether able judge of effect, no man knew better the North or the South should govern the when to assume virtuous indignation or Union. At last the crisis came. The South the appearance of outraged dignity. A put forth all their energies, and were com- scholar, and in style a gentleman, all his pletely defeated. Abraham Lincoln received official documents were penned in such the vast majority of Northern votes, and clear and elaborate English that many consequently triumphed. Symptoms of persons in the Old country gave all disunion at once appeared, and several Southerners the credit of a refinement to of the states seceded from the Union. Before the end of the first month in 1861, South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas had severed themselves from the American Union. which only the upper ten thousand of the slave states had any just claim." In the West civil war was on the eve of breaking out, but in the distant East war was happily at an end. Before the close of the year 1860, China had agreed to the terms imposed upon her, and England and France had laid down their arms. The Chinese, however, had ample occasion to regret having aroused the animosity of such formidable enemies. The Taku forts, at the mouth of the Peiho, had been captured; the battles of Chang-kia-wan and Pa-li-chau had facilitated the advance of the allied English and French upon Pekin; Pekin had been invested, and the summer palace of the Emperor of China, after having been ravaged by the French, had been burnt to the ground to avenge the treacherous arrest and subsequent murder of those English who had started for Tangchow under a flag of truce. Peace was ushered in by a convention signed in Pekin, by which the treaty of Tien-Tsin was ratified, and a large indemnity to be paid, and compensation in money given to the families of the murdered English prisoners. The treaty and convention were to be proclaimed throughout the empire. Complete independence of Northern control was now aimed at. Delegates from the seceded states assembled at Montgomery, in Alabama, and agreed to a constitution and provisional government of which Jefferson Davis was elected president. The constitution was almost identical with that of the United States, but with a more emphatic enunciation of the rights of property in slaves. The selection of Jefferson Davis for the office of president of the Southern confederacy was most judicious. He was admirably suited for the post. "An advocate of states rights on principle," writes an American historian, "he was naturally a good representative of a community which owed its existence to the assertion of state rights. With a judicious mixture of audacity and caution, he knew when to put forth his energies with effect, and when to wait for his opportunity. A man of pure private morals and temperate habits, he won general respect; unselfish, singleminded, and self-reliant, he commanded In Europe the state of Italy gave rise the admiration of the mass of his Southern to much anxiety. In spite of all protests countrymen. His bearing and tone fitted from Austria the new kingdom, under the him to be the elect of the planter aristocracy protecting influence of France, was rapidly -lofty, determined, and full of contempt developing its territories and resources. for those who held opposite principles. Garibaldi had landed at Marsala, in Sicily, When unbiassed by personal friendship, and in a few days, notwithstanding the he showed himself an acute judge of men, disapproval of the Sardinian government regarded as tools for working out a design; at his proceedings, had assumed the dictatorship of the island in the name of King Victor Emmanuel. A Liberal ministry had been formed at Naples, the town was declared in a state of siege, and the queenmother had to take refuge in Gaeta. Shortly afterwards Francis II. took his departure from Naples, and Victor Emmanuel was proclaimed King of Italy. Then, whilst the peninsula was consolidating itself into a kingdom, diplomacy, warfare, and intrigue were employing all their strength to defeat the objects of the Sardinian government, and the wishes of the Italian people. Against the movements of Sardinia, Austria protested, the Pope protested, and the King of the Two Sicilies was in arms supporting his protest. On the other hand Victor Emmanuel, conscious that the hopes of the Italian people were centred in his aim to make the peninsula, from the gulf of Zaranto to the Lepontine Alps, an Italian kingdom, still pressed on and declined to stay his hand. With foreign affairs in this condition, the houses of parliament met February 5, 1861. In the speech from the throne Her Majesty stated that her relations with foreign powers continued to be friendly and satisfactory; that events of great importance were taking place in Italy, but 'believing that the Italians ought to be left to settle their own affairs, I have not thought it right to exercise any active interference in those matters;" that the operations of the allied forces in China had been attended with complete success, and that all matters in dispute had been satisfactorily settled; that "serious differences have arisen among the states of the North American Union. It is impossible for me not to look with great concern upon any events which can affect the happiness and welfare of a people nearly allied to my subjects by descent, and closely connected with them by the most intimate and friendly relations. My heartfelt wish is that these differences may be susceptible of a satisfactory adjustment." The subject of reform was not mentioned. The omission was generally approved of; but when we remember that the Conservative party had been ousted from office solely because it had introduced a reform bill not sufficiently inclusive to satisfy the wants of the people, and now that the Liberals were in power the subject was shelved altogether, such an ignominious desertion of what had been so frequently spoken of as a great political necessity, certainly did not speak very highly either for the sincerity or the consistency of the government of Lord Palmerston. We do not often approve of the coarse invective indulged in by Mr. Bright, but on this occasion the censure he passed upon the conduct of ministers was fully deserved. In the debate upon the address Mr. Disraeli spoke at some length. He approved of the course the government had adopted with regard to the subject of parliamentary reform. "A measure for the reconstruction of this House," he said, "should not be introduced at a time when there is no probability of its being accepted; and a minister would incur a great responsibility who again introduced such a subject from a mistaken sense of honour to a party which was anything but unanimous in supporting his original proposal." At the present moment the country was more interested in foreign than in domestic matters. He himself was bewildered as to the policy of the government with respect to their foreign relations, and as to the prospects of the country with regard to any of those great questions which arose out of them. He wished to know what was the real state of their relations with France, or whether they were looking about for new allies? If a new alliance was meditated, upon what principle was it to be formed? Was it to be upon a disturbing or tranquillizing principle? support Sardinia against Naples, or Naples against Sardinia? Were we to support Austria against Venetia ? Who knew? We had supported Sardinia, and we had supported Naples; we had supported Austria, Were we to and we had not deserted Venetia. In the without obtaining some result? Why, old days diplomacy was conducted in a secret fashion, whilst now we had "a candid foreign policy." "What in former times," he said, "in the days of secret diplomacy, would have been a soliloquy in Downing Street, now becomes a speech in the House of Commons." And yet with all this candour, no one knew what policy the government was adopting. Ministers were in favour of Italian unity; had they effected it? "We know," said Mr. Disraeli, "that a powerful French army was powerfully entrenched in the centre of Italy. We know that the contemplated capital of Italy is not in the possession of the Italians. In this age of jubilant nationality Rome is still garrisoned by the Gauls. We know that Venetia is bristling with Austrian artillery, and swarming with German and Sclavonian legions. We know that even the King of the Two Sicilies, deprived of his crown by universal and unanimous suffrage, unfortunately followed by frequent insurrections and martial law, is even at this moment in possession of the two prime strongholds of his kingdom. We know that in the south of Italy they have combined the horrors of revolution with the shame of conquest. These are not the characteristics of a united Italy." He did not deny that Italy might finally be united; but it would not be by the moral influence of England, but by the will and the sword of France. "It is the will of France," he said, "that can alone restore Rome to the Italians; it is the sword of Franceif any sword can do it that alone can free Venetia from the Austrians. If the unity of Italy is to be effected by such influences and by such means, are we to suppose that a sovereign who is described as profound and crafty, and a people whom we know to be ambitious and quickwitted, will be prepared to make such an effort and to endure such a sacrifice-such a surpassing sacrifice and such an enormous effort it would belie every principle of human nature. We cannot impute it to that sovereign and to such a people as the French, that they would not after such exertions expect to obtain some great political and public advantage. And it is obvious what that result would be. Those who under the circumstances I have stated will free the nation, will make their terms, and will be justified in making their terms. They will have an alliance, offensive and defensive, with Italy; and the Emperor of the French will then appear in the character which he has himself shadowed out, for which he has prepared the world, which the policy he had hitherto pursued with regard to Italy has shown that he hasnot too anxiously-sought to fulfil, foreseeing its difficulties as well as its glory. The Emperor of the French will then come forward in the character of the head of the Latin race. He will find himself the emancipator of Italy at the head of a million of bayonets. lined, and even of distinguished soldiers will be at his command and behest, and then it will be in his power-you having forced him to a policy in Italy which at first he was unwilling to pursue-to make those greater changes and aim at those greater results which I will only intimate and will not attempt to describe." A million of discip Mr. Disraeli then suggested that the Italian question should be settled on the basis of the treaty of Villafranca; that treaty secured a great southern barrier to Germany; it did not destroy the independence of the Pope; it did not endanger the independence of Switzerland, whilst Savoy and Nice still remained an appanage of the King of Sardinia. Any other course, he said, would menace England with danger. If the unity of Italy was to be effected, it could only be effected by a power which occupied Italy in great force; that unity could not be established under such auspices without results dangerous to the repose of Europe. It was therefore absolutely necessary for ministers to be reference to military considerations, there fully informed as to the relations of France with Italy. In reply Lord John Russell stated, that Mr. Disraeli had conjured up doubts and fears which had no existence in fact. The government had constantly upheld the principle that Italy should be free to choose her own rulers and to settle her own affairs as she thought best. France had declared that no troops, Austrian or French, should be used to reinstate the deposed granddukes; and Austria had pledged her word not to cross the frontier. If the King of Naples would have granted a constitution, ministers would have preferred to see two kingdoms in Italy instead of one; still that was a question for the Italians themselves, and they were the best judges on that point. The policy of non-intervention was concurred in by France, and between the government and the Emperor of the French there was entire concord. The address was then agreed to. is one view of the case the importance of which cannot be overstated; and that is, that in a remote part of the world, and in a strange climate, we have found the health of our troops so wonderfully preserved. I attribute this to our now perfect organization, and to the application of all the resources of modern science to the maintenance of the health and the equipment of our troops; and if, as I believe, this result is not of an exceptional character, but one on which we may depend for the future, we may have the satisfaction of feeling that, so far as this is concerned, we have already mitigated one of the miseries of war. The noble viscount [Palmerston] has touched upon the singularity of such great results having been achieved, in a distant part of the world, by so small a body of men and at such a trifling sacrifice. Indeed, I think this is a subject which well deserves the consideration of the House. A handful of men, not, I believe, amounting in numbers to those who followed Xenophon, have waged war in a country almost in the remotest part of the globe, and have dictated peace in the ancient capital of a nation which numbers more than one-third of its population. Sir, this is not the first occasion during the last quarter of a century when mankind have been impressed with the immense influence which Europe exercises over the rest of the world. This is not the first occurrence of exploits which has proved "The army and navy of England," he said, the predominant power of that part of the "have more than once expressed their con- globe in which it is our happiness to exist. viction that one of their greatest rewards is But there are other considerations connected to receive the thanks of parliament; and with this result which ought not, I think, I trust I may say for the House that we to be absent from our thoughts. At this consider it one of our greatest privileges moment, under Providence, it is not merely to offer the expression of our thanks and this quarter of the globe, but we may say admiration for their achievements. Al- it is Western Europe that commands the though in the course of events that have world. Sir, if that power be so irresistible, occurred in China it is impossible to point if those means be so great, I think we to any of those immortal fields which pos- ought all to feel that the moral responsiterity ever afterwards looks at with feelings bility of their exercise is proportionately of awe and admiration, yet merely in a increased. This appears to be a consideramilitary sense, and regarded simply in tion which ought not to be wanting in the The war in China having been concluded, the thanks of both houses of parliament were voted to the officers and men in Her Majesty's service who had been engaged in the expedition. In the House of Commons the vote was proposed by Lord Palmerston in a highly eulogistic speech, and seconded (February 14, 1861) by Mr. Disraeli. The leader of the Opposition acquitted himself with that tact and grace which always entered into his ceremonious speeches. |