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adults. Among them were the most consistent advocates of religious toleration.

The Quakers were hated by one and all. They were 'heretics,' 'the most incorrigible sinners,' 'a dangerous sort of people.... who coloure their designs with a show of religion'; and 'those worst of sectaries'; while their tenets were 'damnable principles.' They were attacked and ridiculed in pamphlets serious and satirical. The reasons for this universal. hatred are not far to seek. Despite the fact that they were ready to promise due obedience to the State, and to abstain from conspiracies, men failed to understand why they should travel from all parts of the land to attend meetings, unless to concoct some nefarious design.8 Their resistance to tithes, and their refusal to accord to those in authority the usual marks of respect, irritated squire and parson. Their claim to inspiration, their testimony against sacraments, and their liberal ideas on the question of saving grace, called forth passionate aversion on the part of other sects. Indeed, many very foolishly suspected them of concealed Romanism.9

6 Broadmead Records, p. 158. Verney MSS., Dec. 13, 1666 (quoted Burnet, i, 492 note). Life of Ld. Keeper Guildford, p. 88. Thos. Vincent, Presbyterian minister, to some of his congregation who had been to hear Quakers: If ever you go again, I will give you up, and God will give you up, that you may believe a lie and be damned.' (Gough, ii, 227.),

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7 Broadmead Records, p. 165. C.S.P.D., 1660-1, p. 361. See among others The Character of a Quaker in his true and proper Colours; or, The Clownish Hypocrite Anatomized,' by R. H., 1671.

'A Quaker with's dark Lanthorne light Is here exposed to your sight, Stript of's nice Vizard and fair Paint, Wherein he's wont to Ape a Saint, This Hypocrite we here essay, In's proper colours to display, Whose Yea and Nay in mischief goes Beyond the Hectors damning oathes. A Quaker is a Vessel of Phanaticisme drawn off to the Lees; . . . the fag-end of Reformation marred with a sullen meagre look, and this Characteristick Thou: . . . . You may know him by his diminutive band, that looks like the Forlorne-hope of his Shirt crawling out at his Collar; . . . He hath a Pique against Paul for saying "most noble Festus," and hates the memory of Sarah because she called her Husband Lord. . In brief, a Quaker is a Cynick in Religion, one that would have Ill-nature translated Grace; as if the Holy Spirit (that pure, sweet, gentle Dove) did inspire men with sullen humours and waspish dispositions.'

8' Elwood,' p. 78, and Introduction, xiii.

9 See Truth Triumphant: in a Dialogue between a Papist and a Quaker: wherein (I suppose) is made Manifest, that Quaking is the Off-spring of Popery. At the least The Papist and the Quaker, Are (Fratres Uterine) Both of one Venter.' 1671. The Quakers unmasked, and clearly detected to be but the spawn of Romish Frogs, Jesuites and Franciscan Freers, sent from Rome to seduce the intoxicated giddy-headed English Nation,' by Prynne. The Capital Principles of the People called Quakers Discovered and Stated out of their own Writings,' Wm. Burnet, 1668.

Among the very few who speak well of the Quakers is Marmaduke Lord Langdale who writes to Secretary Nicholas: 'There is a sect of persons, called Quakers, who hold meetings in several parts, and lead most exemplary lives, accounting persecution an honour.' (C.S.P.D. 1660-1, p. 466.)

Roman Catholics anticipated a golden age. They knew full well how much Charles owed to them; nor was Charles himself insensible of his debt of gratitude, but the Stuarts had ever a peculiar facility of forgetting what they owed.

In addition to these bodies, there were the innumerable sects to which the late revolution had given birth-FifthMonarchists, Adamites, Ranters, Seekers, &c.—each with its own hopes and anticipations, each looking for light and warmth to the rising sun.10

All then hoped, and with good grounds, for toleration. Men were weary of bitter strife; the watchwords of the great struggle had outlived their necessity; fanaticism was generally distrusted. Moreover, the sequestered noblemen and gentry had issued invitations to all men to promote the king's return, they on their part protesting against all thoughts of revenge and uncharitableness.11 Yet withal, the circumstances attending the Restoration were fatal to the hopes of the sects. Episcopalians returned with memories of hardships endured in exile, with prejudices sharpened and sympathies narrowed. The variety of English nonconformity scared men otherwise moderate, while too many of the sects believed themselves to be the exponents of the only divinelyappointed system.12 There was an almost universal want of charity. Episcopalians could not imagine the possibility of salvation outside the church, with all its forms and ceremonies. Presbyterians would almost forego their own liberty rather than see the same freedom extended to Independents and others. Throughout the journal of George Fox can be detected that lack of tolerance which he condemned in his persecutors. 13

The man to whom all looked was singularly ill-fitted for the task imposed upon him. Lustful from his youth, he loved pleasure before all else, nor could he easily appreciate piety

10 For an account of the various sects see 'Hesiography,' by E. Pagitt. 11 Baxter, ii, 217. Baxter deemed a compromise easy. Preaching before Parliament on April 30th, 1660: for the Concord now wish'd for in matters of Church Government, I told them it was easy for moderate men to come to a fair agreement, and that the late Reverend Primate of Ireland and myself had agreed in half an hour.' (Baxter, ii, 217.)

12 See the question discussed in 'Religious Life in the 17th Century,' by Hensley-Henson.

13 E.g. John Perrot was also a prisoner there (at Rome), and being released came over again; but after his arrival here, he, with Charles Baily and others, turned aside from the unity of Friends and truth. Whereupon I was moved to issue a paper declaring how the Lord would blast him and his followers if they did not repent and return, and that they should wither like grass on the house-top, which many of them did.'

and sanctity in others. 14 Not without tact, he could lay no claim to wisdom. Easy-going, he would certainly take the line of least resistance. Of strong religious convictions he was quite devoid: he hated Presbyterianism owing to his experiences in Scotland, but was without doubt somewhat attracted towards Roman Catholicism, and was not unwilling to redeem promises made to Roman Catholics. 'Rebel for rebel,' he scribbled to Clarendon at a council meeting, 'I had rather trust a Papist rebel than a Presbyterian.' 'His religion,' writes Welwood, 'was Deism, or rather that which is call'd so and if in his Exile, or at his Death, he went into that of Rome; the first was to be imputed to a Complaisance for the Company he was then oblig'd to keep, and the last to a lazy Diffidence in all other Religions, upon a Review of his past life, and the near approach of an uncertain State.'15 Of one thing he professed himself quite convinced that God would not damn a man eternally for taking a little pleasure.

Charles' companion in exile, destined to be for seven years his chief minister, was the faithful Hyde, created at the restoration Earl of Clarendon, a staunch Episcopalian, fully determined never to consent to anything that might impair the authority and power of the Church of England. Men of other persuasions he viewed with keen suspicions and distrust: for Protestant dissenters he had no sympathy. The truth is,' he wrote somewhat later, they are a pack of knaves, and they who appear less violent will immediately lose the party.'16 Their faction,' he wrote, 'is their religion.'17

Charles II's first expression on religious affairs was contained in his declaration-'a monument to Hyde's legal subtlety '18-issued at Breda on April 4th, 1660. Thus runs the portion referring to the religious situation:- 'And because the Passion and Uncharitableness of the Times have produced several Opinions in Religion by which men are engaged in Parties and Animosities against each other, which,

14' I was at the king's couchee. His Majesty was in very good humour and took up some time in displaying to us the fallacy and emptiness of those who pretend to a fuller measure of sanctity than their neighbours, and pronounced them to be, for the most part, abominable hypocrites and the most arrant knaves; as instances of which he mentioned several eminent men of our times, nor spared to introduce some mitred heads among the rest, whom he pretended to be none of the best, though their devout exterior gave them the character of saints with the crowd.' (Travels and Memoirs of Sir John Reresby, p. 238.)

15 Welwood's Memoirs, p. 128.

16 Until he could safely do otherwise, Clarendon apparently treated dissenting divines with 'condescension and courtesie.' Baxter, ii, 381. See

also Lister, iii, 483.

17 Clarendon, Continuation,' p. 311. 18 Osmund Airy, Charles II,' p. 151.

when they shall hereafter unite in a Freedom of conversation, will be composed, or better understood; we do declare a liberty to tender Consciences; 19 and that no man shall be disquieted or called in question, for Differences of Opinion in Matters of Religion which do not disturb the Peace of the Kingdom; and that we shall be ready to consent to such an Act of Parliament, as, upon mature Deliberation, shall be offered to us, for the full granting that Indulgence.'

The declaration was but one part of the plan of Charles and Clarendon to quiet all suspicion until such a time as a more reliable parliament should be assembled.20 But, though valueless, the Declaration was accepted by all outside the Church as a distinct promise that all should enjoy complete religious liberty as far as the king could enforce it. The Devonshire and Wiltshire ministers expressed their joy that the king had so 'pitiful a heart towards tender consciences.'21

Feeling themselves encouraged, eight or ten dissenting divines22_among others, Reynolds, Calamy, Bowles, Case and Manton-hastened to Breda to endeavour to obtain more definite promises. In the course of their interview with Charles, they pleaded that 'they were no enemies to moderate episcopacy, only desired that such things might not be pressed upon them in God's worship, which in their judgment who used them were acknowledged to be matters indifferent and by others were held unlawful.'23 Charles answered them kindly; but when they urged him to discontinue the use, in his own chapel, of the Book of Common Prayer and of surplices, he angrily replied that while he was prepared to grant liberty of worship, he would not be deprived of his own. 24

Thus Charles II ascended the throne of his fathers,

19 Commons Journals, viii, p. 6. See similar promise to Lincolnshire Quakers: 'It was not his mind that any of his good Subjects, who lived peaceably, should suffer any trouble upon the account of their judgments or opinions in point of Religion.' (Lord's 'Call to England,' pp. 15 and 16.) 20 From Breda, Hyde sent instructions to Morley and the chief clergy: 'The King very well approves that S. Morley and some of his brethren should enter into conferences with the Presbyterian party, in order to reduce them to such a temper as is consistent with the good of the church; and it may be no ill expedient to assure them of present good preferments; but, in my opinion, you should rather endeavour to win over those, who, being recovered, will both have reputation and desire to merit from the church, than be over-solicitous to comply with the pride and passion of those who propose extravagant things.' (Life of S. Barwick, p. 525.)

21 C.S.P.D., 1660-1, p. 4.

22 For story of Dr. Case and Charles II at Breda see 'Secret Hist. Chas. II,' 1690.

23 Clarendon, 'Hist. of the Rebellion,' xvi, pp. 242-4.

24 The King smoothed them with some good words, which they, afterwards, most brazenly called promises.' (Examen, p. 431.)

untrammelled by conditions. At the entrance to the city the chief London ministers presented to him a richly-adorned Bible, upon which Charles promised to base all his actions.25 That same evening he spent in the arms of a mistress. Puritan pulpits rang with thanks to Almighty God for the re-establishment of the Stuart dynasty. In Manchester Collegiate Church, Henry Newcome preached to a large congregation on 'Usurpation Defeated and David Restored.' Nathaniel Heywood, the saintly Puritan vicar of Ormskirk, preached from the text, 'And Mephibosheth said unto the king, "Yea, let him take all, forasmuch as my lord the king is come again in peace unto his own house." "26 Nevertheless

it was not difficult to see in which direction the tide of public opinion was flowing. Scribbling pamphleteers hastened to assure the sects that the day of reckoning was near. one warns Nonconformists to beware:

'Let all Phanaticks27 have a care,

And keep out of the Devil's snare,
For this great work the Lord hath done
In sending us the gracious Son

you

28

Thus

Of Him whom you with wrath did slay, For which have cause to mourn alway.'2 In London and Oxford dissenters were made the subject of scurrilous jest and abuse.29

25 Baxter, ii, p. 218.

26 His neighbour, Peter Stanihaugh of Aughton, had hastened to London and obtained from the King the £50 which Heywood was receiving as itinerant preacher in Lancashire. (Life of Nathaniel Heywood,' by Sir H. Ashurst.)

27 Wood notes that the word 'phanatique' (fanatic) came into general use after a speech delivered to Parliament by Monk, 6 Feb., 1659/60, in which he used the words, 'be careful neither the cavalier nor phanatique party have yet a share in your military or civil power.' (Wood's Life, i, P. 303.)

28 England's Joyfull Holiday. By me O. G.' 1660. See also 'Lord's Call,' p. 8.

29 'You will hear ' writes Hook to Davenport, 'by the bearer, of the play of the "Puritan" before the highest, where were present, as they say, the E. Manchester and three bishops, and London one of them. In it were represented Presbyterians under the form of Mr. Baxter and Mr. Calamy, whose habits and actions were set forth. Prayers were made in imitation of the Puritan, with such Scripture expressions as I am loath to mention— the matter being such as might have been used by any godly man in a right manner. The cause of Zion lying in the dust was spread before the Lord, and God's former deliverance of His people urged in such phrases, would amaze you if you heard them, with eyes lifted up to Heaven. One representing the Puritan put in the stocks for stealing a pig, and the stocks found by him unlockt, which he admires at as a wonderful providence and fruit of prayer; upon which he consults about his call, whether he should come forth or not; and at last perceived that it was his way, and forth he comes, lifting up his eyes to Heaven and falls to prayer and thanks.' Papers, 4th Series, Vol. viii. See also Crosby, ii, 33.)

(Mather

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