districts in the nation. It has been a malevolent and most lamentable practice from that time to the present with certain persons, from whom truth was to be expected, to consider the subjects of Catholic emancipation and the reform of abuses in the Irish government, as game that might be hunted down with the most impudent and wicked falsehoods:* and as the conduct "Resolved unanimously, That said address do stand as the address of the "Catholics of the city of Dublin, and be presented accordingly on his excellency's arrival. 66 "Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this meeting be presented to "Edward Byrne, esq. for the zeal, spirit, and activity, which on this, as on "all former occasions, he has manifested in the cause of the Catholics of "Ireland. Signed, by order of the meeting, "RICHARD M'CORMICK, Sec." We read in lord Clare's speech on the Union (p. 65), “That the con"cessions made to the Catholic demands in 1793, were then for the first time "supported by the Whigs of 1789; but in the course of debate nothing more "than obscure hints and oracular ambiguity was thrown out on the subject of "unqualified emancipation, and the Catholic body remained quiet and con"tented with the favours conferred upon them. If they looked to further in"dulgence, they were satisfied to try the effects of time, temper, and nego"ciation, and would have continued contented and quiet, if they had not "been brought forward as an engine of faction, on a change of the Irish go"vernment in 1795." One is astonished at this barefaced string of falsities. It was matter of the utmost notoriety, that Mr. Grattan and the Whig party supported the bills that were brought forward in favour of the Catholics in 1782 and 1792: and Mr. Grattan (answer to lord Clare, p. 24) says, "In the "session of 1794, the Catholic subject was not mentioned, but in summer, on "a change being made in the British cabinet, being informed by some of the "learned persons therein, that the administration of the Irish department was "to belong to them, and that they sent for us to adopt our measures, I stated "the Catholic emancipation to be one of them." In 1793, so far were they from only throwing out obscure hints and oracular ambiguity in debate, that on the 22d of February, as has been before observed, when the order of the day for the second reading of the Catholic bill was called, Mr. George Knox, after a very long speech in favour of a measure, not merely to gratify, but to satisfy the Catholics in the fullest extent, by removing all disabilities, moved, that Roman Catholics should be permitted to hold seats in parliament. On the same day major Doyle said, he was the first person in that house, who declared his determination to give entire and total emancipation to the Roman Catholics of Ireland. Mr. Grattan on the same day said, "I could wish the "bill under your consideration had gone further. I could have wished, that "it had given the Roman Catholics the privilege of other Dissenters. I am "sure that is the only sound policy. Come then, and by one great act cancel "this code." (Vide Par. Deb. of this date.) As for the Catholic body, lord Kenmare, and other gentlemen of that body, assured lord Fitzwilliam, that he and every person of his description were in perfect unison with the committee. The Catholics of the city of Dublin in November, 1792, stated in their declaration, that they never should forego the hopes of emancipation. Hundreds of resolutions passed at parochial and other larger meetings of Roman Catholics after the passing of the convention bill publicly falsify that lord's assertion, that they were contented with the favours conferred upon them and that they were not brought forward as an engine of faction. They certainly came forward upon their own sense, feeling, and principle: not instigated by Mr. Grattan or any one, who it was expected would be minister to lord Fitzwilliam, though in full confidence, that no ministers of that viceroy, would resist the peaceable cry of three millions to be released from their remaining shackles. and character of that respectable nobleman who succeeded lord Westmoreland in the Irish government became implicated with both those subjects, he was also exposed to the aim of every one, who did not disdain the use of those disgraceful weapons. This period of Irish history is perhaps fraught with more important consequences to that kingdom, than any which has existed since the days of Henry II. The truth therefore of the facts, whatever effects may have ensued from them, it is supereminently necessary to establish. 66 The measure of emancipation to the Catholics, was, said lord Fitzwilliam, originally the measure of Mr. Pitt and the Westmoreland administration. His most strenuous and jealous friends claimed the credit of it for their patron in terms of the highest compliment. They had done it in the House of Commons; they had done it on the preceding day in the House of Lords. The declarations both of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Dundas, (now lord Melville) on the occasion were well known in Ireland and often quoted. They would not risk a rebellion in Ireland on such a "question." That the principle of the measure had been admitted by the British cabinet is self evident: as the whole question of the unfortunate difference between them and the lord lieutenant arose only upon the time of carrying it into effect, as will be presently noticed. That lord Fitzwilliam went over with a plenitude of power from the British cabinet to carry every measure which he proposed, amongst which was that of Catholic emancipation, stands roundly asserted by that nobleman himself, and by lord Milton, and by Mr. Ponsonby, and Mr. Grattan, who were sent for to England, and consulted upon the subject. It was contradicted by lord Westmoreland, who said in the British House of Peers, that Mr. Pitt had assured him, "that earl "Fitzwilliam had no authority whatever from ministers in this "country for taking the steps which he had done on the Catholic question: nay, that they were steps taken not only without their "authority, but with their positive disapprobation." Official secrecy was the reason alleged by all the servants of the crown for not giving the direct negative to the noble earl's assertions both in the British and Irish parliament. Lord Fitzwilliam was severely censured by many both in and out of parliament for a breach of official confidence. The late lord Clare has also ven * 41 Par. Deb. p. 352. It was observed by Mr. Jekyll, in the House of Commons, that lord Westmoreland's declarations dissolved all the regard, that had been so affect-. edly attached to the oath of secrecy of cabinet ministers. We must therefore rather lay discredit to the account of a displaced courtier, than perjury at the door of the premier. 66 tured to assert, "that it is now ascertained, that he came to Ireland with full instructions not to encourage the agitation of any further claims, on the part of the Irish Catholics: perhaps "he might be justified in stating, that his instructions were to "keep it back. But his name and authority were abused to force the Catholic body to come forward as the engine of po*litical intrigue, and in contradiction of their recent declaration "by the organ of their general committee in 1792, to demand the repeal of every law, by which they were excluded from "political power. Lord Fitzwilliam took possession of his government on the fourth of January, 1795." How great soever the authority of the earl of Clare may have been, historical justice demands, that the untruth of his representations of the efforts to procure Catholic emancipation should be noticed. Because the names of three persons, who afterwards were implicated in rebellion appear upon the address, which was presented by the Catholics to lord Fitzwilliam, his lordship most unaccountably criminates the whole body, by asserting against the fact, "that it was originally a pretence for rebellion; and was then, "(viz. in 1800) a powerful engine of faction wielded in both "countries against the peace and happiness of Ireland. An engine which had already shaken the government to its founda❝tion, and could not fail to level it with the dust, if they were "to continue in a state of separation from the British nation." No sooner had the new viceroy landed, than he immediately set about the work he had been especially tdeputed to take in hand. * Speech on union, p. 66. † Having no document so authentic as the public averment of a most respectable nobleman, who was the actor in the important scenes under a special commission and instructions, which are at every hour open to publication to refute any mistatements, the annalist cannot dispense with submitting to the reader the genuine account of the opening of this extraordinary mission: (2 letter to lord Carlisle) "From the very beginning, as well as through the "whole progress of that fatal business, for fatal I fear, I must call it, I acted "in perfect conformity with the original outline settled between me and his ma "jesty's ministry, previous to my departure from London. From a full con"sideration of the real merits of the case, as well as from every information "I had been able to collect of the state and temper of Ireland, from the year "1790, I was decidedly of opinion, that not only sound policy, but justice, "required, on the part of Great Britain, that the work, which was left im"perfect at that period, ought to be completed, and the Catholics relieved "from every remaining disqualification. In this opinion the Duke of Port"land uniformly concurred with me, and when this question came under discussion, previous to my departure for Ireland, I found the cabinet, with "Mr. Pitt at their head, strongly impressed with the same conviction. Had "I found it otherwise, I never would have undertaken the government. I at "first proposed, that the additional indulgences should be offered from the "throne; the very best effects would be secured by this act of unsolicited As the parliament stood prorogued to the 22d day of January, his excellency began his government by some dismissals, which created surprise and general apprehensions through all the official departments of the castle. They were represented to the British "graciousness; and the embarrassing consequences which was natural to "foresee must result from the measures being left open for any volunteer to "bring forward, would be timely and happily avoided. But to this proposal "objections were started, that appeared of sufficient weight to induce the "adoption of another plan. I consented not to bring the question forward on "the part of government, but rather to endeavour to keep it back, until a pe"riod of more general tranquillity, when so many material objects might not press upon the government, but as the principle was agreed on, and the ne"cessity of its being brought into full effect was universally allowed, it was "at the same time resolved, that if the Catholics should appear determined "to stir the business, and bring it before parliament, I was to give it a handsome support on the part of government. "I was no sooner landed, and informed of the real state of things here, "than I found that question would force itself upon my immediate consider"ation. Faithful to the system that had been agreed on, and anxious to "attain the object that had been committed to my discretion, I lost not a moment in gaining every necessary information, or in transmitting the "result to the British cabinet. As early as the 8th of January, I wrote "to the secretary of state on the subject; I told him that I trembled about "the Roman Catholics; that I had great fears about keeping them quiet "for the session; that I found the question already in agitation; that a com"mittee was appointed to bring forward a petition to parliament, praying for "a repeal of all remaining disqualifications. I mentioned my intentions of im"mediately using what efforts I could to stop the progress of it, and to bring "the Catholics back to a confidence in government. I stated the substance of some conversations I had on the subject with some of the principal persons of the country. It was the opinion of one of these, that if the postponing "of the question could be negociated on grounds of expediency, it ought not "to be resisted by government. That it should be put off for some time, was "allowed by another to be a desirable thing, but the principle of extension "was at the same time strongly insisted on, and forcibly inculcated, as a mat"ter not only wise, but necessary to the public tranquillity. "From the day of the date of this letter, I unremittingly applied myself to "the collecting of further information. I received an address; in my answer, "which I transmitted, I endeavoured to keep clear of all specific engagements "whatever, though at the same time I had avoided every thing that could be "construed into a rejection of what they were all looking to the repeal of "the remaining restrictions; and (what comes immediately to the point) I "concluded by declaring, that I should not do my duty, if I did not distinctly "relate it as my opinion, that not to grant cheerfully, on the part of govern"ment, all the Catholics wished for, would not only be exceedingly impolitic, "but perhaps dangerous, that in doing this, no time was to be lost; that the "business would be presently at hand; and that the first step I took would be "of infinite importance; that if I received no very peremptory directions to "the contrary, I should acquiesce,......I meant, in the time, in the mode of "proceeding, and in the extent of the demands. For as to the measure, "considered generally, I could conceive no necessity to wait for any new direc"tions, on which to decide. Of this I reminded the secretary of state...... "Convinced,' I said, as we all are, of the necessity, as well as fitness, of "the measure taking place, at no distant period, I was decidedly of opinion, "that any attempt to defer it, would be useless, if not dangerous.'" The "state of the country required this, and the position of the Catholics, among cabinet with every degree of exaggerated cruelty: and artful pains were taken to circulate the reports of them through the nation injurious to the lord lieutenant. He began by removing two clerks from office placed in a situation of confidence, but perfectly subordinate and of no ostensibility: neither his excellency nor his chief secretary, with whom they were in hourly intercourse, felt inclined to repose confidence in them. He made proposals to the British ministers for the removal of the attorney and solicitor general: it having been previously arranged with Mr. Pitt and the duke of Portland, that those two gentlemen were not to possess his confidence in the arduous measures he had to undertake. Whatever might be their professional merits, neither of them possessed those parliamentary abilities which his excellency required, and which were found in so eminent a degree in their intended successors, Messrs. Ponsonby and Curran. The attorney general was to have retired on a reversion of 2,300l. (and that daily augmenting) to himself and son, a peerage for his family, and a promise of the first vacancy of a chief seat on the bench: and it was his excellency's intentions to have done equally well by the solicitor general. But the greatest sore was the removal of Mr. Beresford, of which that nobleman's own account must prove more satisfactory and authentic than any other. 66 +And now for the grand question about Mr. Beresford. In a letter of mine to Mr. Pitt on this subject, I reminded him of a conversation, in which I had expressed to him (in answer to the question put to him by me) my apprehensions, that it would be necessary to remove that gentleman, and that he did not offer the slightest objection, or say a single word in favour of Mr. Beresford. This alone would have made me suppose, that I should be exempt from every imputation of breach of agreement, if I determined to remove him; but when, on my arrival here, I found all those apprehensions of his dangerous power, which Mr. Pitt admits I had often represented to him, were fully justified; when he was filling a situation greater than that of the lord lieutenant; and when I clearly saw, that if I had connected myself with him, it would have been connecting myself with a person under universal heavy suspicions, and subjecting my government to all the whom the appearance of hesitation on the part of government, might pro"duce mischief to a degree beyond all calculation.' You will not forget "that all this passed within the first fortnight after my arrival, and before the "meeting of parliament.” One of these was Mr. Cooke, of whom lord Fitzwilliam thus writes to lord Carlisle," Mr. Cooke indeed, whose tone and style rendered his approach "to a superior not to be supported, rejects my proposals in his favour, and "thinks a retreat upon 1200/. a year an inadequate recompense for the magni. tude and importance of his services.” |