disarming the people, from which it was evident they had been in arms.

The earl of Liverpool approved the reasoning of lord Gren ville, and put the case of a motion being made in the Irish parliament, for the purpose of inducing it to interfere in the discussion of the great question of parliamentary reform or Catholic toleration in this country. How, he asked, would such a motion be taken by the British parliament? The motion before their lordships seemed to him to be as mischievous in its tendency as unconstitutional in its principle.

The earl of Guildford could not admit that ministers had shewn any attention to the interests of Ireland, since the recal of earl Fitzwilliam.

The earl of Spencer was of opinion, that, if lord Moira meant to do any substantial good by his motion, he ought to have gone much farther, and pointed out not only the nature of the discontents of the Irish nation, but the kind of measures which ought to be resorted to for removing them.

The marquis of Lansdowne said, that, if the present were a subject of delicacy, ministers were the cause of it. The lord lieutenant of Ireland, as a minister, was accountable to the British as well as to the Irish parliament; and, therefore, they had a right to watch over the measures of his administration, and to censure or advise him, as they might deem proper. The motion now before their lordships was couched in terms so wise, so pru dent, and so moderate, that he could scarcely have supposed that it could have been objected to. What was its purpose? It said, to his majesty," Sire, you have, by a happy conduct, attached "the people of Ireland to your family and government, by the "same liberal and generous conduct by which your grand father gained the affections of the Highlands of Scotland. There "is but one small cause of discontent still remaining, and it is "only necessary, that you follow up those wise and salutary measures, which you have hitherto acted upon, to remove it." This was all that the motion proposed. If it were done in time, the measures might be successful, but it ought to be recollected, that the longer the delay, the greater the danger.

The earl of Darnley opposed the motion. There were discontents in Ireland; but by no means among the general mass of the people.

The duke of Bedford was sorry to say, that their lordships must cease to listen to the shifts of ministers, if their objects were to save the state from ruin. But it might be asked, what it was that he thought likely to restore happiness to the people of Ireland? "Restore to the people of Ireland the person you "have recalled; give back to them the man whom they have

"tried, and whom they admire; act on the principles on which "he acted, and then discontents will cease: if you do not, God

only knows into how much more dreadful a state that unhappy 06 country may be reduced."

Lord Grenville was of opinion, that the remedy, proposed by the noble duke, would have a tendency to create that which he seemed to dread; a disturbance in Ireland; for, that must necessarily be the tendency of recalling the present lord lieutenant of that kingdom. If the talents, the virtues, and the exertions of that noble lord were not sufficient to preserve the tranquillity of Ireland, he believed it would be out of the power of any other individual whatever.

The earl of Moira rose up to make a few observations on the main point in question: the contentment or discontentment of the people of Ireland. As their lordships could not try the ve racity of one noble lord against another, the only way they had to decide, was, to refer to facts. His lordship again appealed to the various facts already mentioned or alluded to, by himself and the earl Fitzwilliam: parishes and whole counties out of the king's peace, and disarmed: insurrections in divers places, murmurs of discontent in all; and a general assembly, within fifty yards of the castle of Dublin, headed by persons, whose talents and characters were of the very first class, and who, after the most mature deliberation that could be had on such an occasion, resolved and declared it to be their firm persuasion, that there was no chance for the salvation of Ireland, without an entire and immediate change in the whole system of executive government. After this the house divided, and the noble earl's motion was rejected by 72 against 20.

Two days after this discussion in the House of Peers, the subject was introduced into the House of Commons by Mr. Fox, who prefaced his speech by calling to mind the part he had taken in a recognition of the complete independence of Ireland, and how much he naturally considered himself to be bounden, in a particular manner, to follow up the principle on which it was founded. Though a variety of circumstances had concurred to produce the present disturbances in Ireland, he confined his observations to two or three leading points. These were, whether, in consequence of the concessions that had been made to Ireland, she had, in fact and substance, enjoyed the advantages of an independent legislature? Whether, in that form of a free constitution which they had obtained, the people possessed that political weight to which they were entitled? And, whether, their just voice and influence had been promoted, by the alteration which had been effected? The people of Ireland were divided into two, though very unequal, classes; the Catholics and the Pro

testants: neither of which enjoyed their just share of political power and influence. About nine years ago, a regular system was devised for enslaving Ireland. A person of high consideration was known to say, that, 500,000% had been expended to quell an opposition in Ireland, and that as much more must be expended in order to bring the legislature of that country to a proper temper. This systematic plan of corruption was followed up by a suitable system of measures. Hostile suspicions were insinuated, not only against the lower order of Catholics, but against men of the first respectability for character and fortune, and whose loyalty could not be questioned. Numbers were taken up for high treason; and, when acquitted, it appeared that no ground of suspicion could ever have been entertained against them. What could be the effect of such proceedings, but to convince the Catholics, that the concessions in their favour were extorted? That the hostile mind still existed, and that they were still marked out as the victims of the most cruel proscriptions and oppressions? Private animosities too arose, and produced those different classes of disturbers of the public peace, about which so much had been said. The remedies applied had tended to foment the disease. The authority of the laws was superceded. Those against whom it was thought convictions could be procured, were taken up; and those whom it would have been impossible to convict, were transported in great numbers, without the ceremony of a trial, or the form of conviction. had been said, that the Catholics are entitled to vote for members of parliament. But except in the counties. Mr. Fox observed, the representation of Ireland was in what is here known by the name of close corporation. The Catholics were carefully excluded from the corporations; so that their privilege of voting for members of parliament was almost entirely evaded.

It

Mr. Fox next considered the grievances of the Presbyterians, the most numerous class, by far, in the North of Ireland. The discontents of the inhabitants of the northern parts of Ireland arose from two causes: one of them was the temporary pressure of a war, in which they were involved without interest in the contest, and the distresses which the calamities with which it had been attended, had entailed upon their trade and commerce; the other had been the abuses which they conceived to exist in the constitution, by which they are governed. The constitution of Ireland, they complain does not resemble that of Great Britain. Whoever imagined that a practicable resemblance existed between the government of Ireland and the English constitution, would find, that the Irish government was a mirror in which the abuses of this constitution were strongly reflected. The jobbing system of influence and patronage, for purposes of personal

advantage in Ireland, was an abuse which totally destroyed the spirit of the form of government, and was an abuse not to be endured. To suppose that a large, industrious, active, and intelligent body of men could be governed against the principles they had imbibed, and the prejudices by which they were guided, was an idea which history and human nature proved to be absurd. The interests of this country and of Ireland were the same. Its affairs were conducted by ministers, and the British cabinet, and it was the privilege of that house to advise his majesty. If he were to justify the measure by precedent, he might quote the case of an impeachment of the earl of Lauderdale, by the English parliament, before the union, for the conduct of the government of Scotland. "But why," said Mr. Fox, "should I speak of forms, when the consequences of the discontents "in Ireland may be a contest to be supported by Englishmen, "and English money? I shall therefore move,

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"That an humble address be presented to his majesty, that "his majesty will be graciously pleased to take into his royal "consideration, the disturbed state of his kingdom of Ireland, "and to adopt such healing and lenient measures as may appear to his majesty's wisdom best calculated to restore tranquillity, "and to conciliate the affections of all descriptions of his majes "ty's subjects in that kingdom, to his majesty's person and go"vernment."

dett.

This motion was seconded by sir Francis Bur

Mr. Pitt asked Mr. Fox whether the parliament, by which the independence of Ireland was recognized, were more accommodating to the wishes of the Dissenters of the North, or to the Catholics of the South, than those of a subsequent period? Quite the contrary. Whatever alteration had since taken place, tended more and more to include both Dissenters and Catholics within the pale of civil and political liberty, than the principle recognized in 1782. But the main pillar of his defence of ministers, in their conduct towards Ireland, and ground of his objection to the present motion, was the unconstitutionality, the impropriety, and the dangers to be apprehended from the interference of the British parliament in the affairs of Ireland; topics on which he expatiated with his usual ability; in which, as to the main concession to be made, by way of remedy to the discontents and disturbances in Ireland, that of allowing to the Catholics the pri vilege of sitting in parliament, this could not be done, without reversing the whole of its present form, and new modelling the constitution from beginning to end: and to make that change when such principles were abroad in the world, and were even prevalent in the country, in which we lived, would be attended with the most dangerous consequences.

Colonel Fullarton, who had just come from Scotland, and that part of it which almost touches on Ireland, was astonished to find, in the metropolis, such an apparent indifference to the most alarming dangers; and wondered that so much time should be spent in debate, and so little in military preparation. General Hoche would find, in Ulster alone, 50,000 Irishmen united, with pikes in their hands, and arms concealed, busily employed in secret discipline, in order to qualify themselves for reinforcing the French army.

Mr. Courtney believed, that there were, in Ulster, 50,000 men with arms in their hands, ready to receive the French; but not to support them. The people in that province, almost all Presbyterians, had a strong spirit of liberty, and were attached to the popular, or, what had been called, the republican branch of the constitution, yet they were not to be confounded with Jacobins and banditti.

Lord Hawkesbury repeated and applauded the arguments of Mr. Pitt.

Mr. Curwen thought, that the present motion was so far from being mischievous, that even the discussion it had occasioned would do good, inasmuch as it would shew the Irish nation, that there was a part, at least, of the British parliament, who were mindful of their interests.*

* If any thing could enhance the guilt of Mr. Arthur O'Connor's treason, it was that abandoned and reflex hypocrisy with which he played off the ap pearance of the most constitutional loyalty, and was thus admitted to the sympathy and confidence of men, who really possessed it in an eminent degree. But in the political and ethic system, candor and uprightness are ever the earliest victims to duplicity, design, and baseness. Et virtus vitio sub propriore latet. In proof of these observations, Mr. O'Connor had so egregiously and basely at this time duped sir Francis Burdett, as well as many other of the Whig party, that the honourable baronet in the unsuspecting generosity of his soul, thus boastingly pledged himself for the purest loyalty of his false and base friend. "One person now immured within the walls of a dungeon in "Dublin Castle, I have the honour of being connected with, for honour, as "well as happiness, I shall ever esteem it, by the strongest ties of friendship "and affection, who I know to be incapable of treason to his country, (Good "God! that treason to Ireland and the name of O'Connor should be prepos. "terously coupled together!) as he is capable of every thing that is great, generous, and noble, for his country's good; a man whose whole conduct "delineates the exact line of rectitude and honour; whose private virtues equal, "they cannot surpass, the integrity of his public conduct; who is indeed en"dowed with every good as well as every great qualification; and of whom "it may fairly be said, Nil non laudandum aut dixit, aut sensit, aut fecit. "When such men become the objects of fear and hatred to government, it is "not difficult to ascertain the nature of their government. But perhaps, sir, "it may be said, that I speak more like a discontented Irishman, than like a "true friend to the interest of England. Sir, I speak like a friend to humanity " and liberty; and like an enemy to cruelty and oppression. Sir, I believe "the interests of Ireland and of this country to be the same. I believe it for "the interest of both countries, that both should be free." (2 Eng. Par. Deb. p. 121.)