Lord Wycombe thought that the disturbances, which had taken place in Ireland, manifestly proved a disaffection to the British government. Conciliation instead of rigour, should have been tried; for it was time enough to employ force when mildness failed. He could have wished that the Irish parliament had been left, for the settlement of affairs, to themselves. But he well knew that, being for the most part at the beck of the English cabinet, they had lost the confidence of the nation. He adverted to, and commented upon the proclamation of general Lake.

He dreaded that if the British parliament did not interfere, we might lose Ireland altogether: a loss that would be more severe than the loss of America.

Mr. Hobhouse remarked, that the chancellor of the exchequer seemed to have presumed in the whole train of his reasoning, that it was the object of the motion to request the king's interference, exclusively of his Irish parliament. It only prayed his majesty, in connexion with the Irish legislature, to adopt measures of a lenient nature, with a view to appease the unhappy spirit of discontent which prevailed throughout the country. Mr. Fox's motion was negatived by 220 against 84 who supported it.

These warm debates in the British senate were in some measure brought forward and more heated from the complaints made in the Irish House of Commons, of the culpable indifference which the administration of England had shewn to their safety and welfare.*

Scarcely any man in the Irish commons possessed a larger share of personal confidence from the nation than Mr. G. Ponsonby: no man against whom less of democracy had ever been charged by his enemies. He had in the debate of the 22d of February, spoken the following language, which was replied to by the solicitor general in a manner, that shews the real issue of the government and opposition parties at that time in parliament. (17 Par. Deb. p. 330.) "He confessed he had felt extreme concern and surprise at the return of the " right honourable secretary from England, after a five weeks stay, with nothing "to communicate to the house, but an undertaking on the part of the British "minister, to endeavour to raise for the country a loan of a million and a half. "This the right honourable gentleman had brought back with him in the "place of a fleet and an army! Did the right honourable gentleman-did the "British minister know the nature of the enemy we have to contend with? "Did he know their resources-their energy-their courage-their discipline "their perseverance? Will he baffle such an enemy with a million and an "half? Will he drive from our coasts an enemy that has vanquished Spain, "Holland, Italy, and almost Germany, with a million and an half? Preserve "Ireland from France! It may be done-but not by a million and an half! "No, nor by 100,000/. raised from the salt with which the beggar seasoned "his miserable morsel! Pitiful financier, who can find resources only of this "kind, and none in the bravery, spirit, and generosity of the Irish people. "Such measures would never do to preserve Ireland in connexion with Bri"tain. It was not his promise to the executive government by what means they should defend the country; he sat there as a member of parliament, " rather to exercise a controling function: but so deeply did he feel that the "measures which were taken could not preserve Ireland, that he would ven

The proceedings on this side of the water relative to the state of Ireland, gave such offence to Dr. Duigenan, that on the 30th of March he gave notice in the House of Commons, that after the recess he should bring forward a motion tending to refute

"ture to suggest some which he thought would. Those were measures not "for raising a given sum of money, but for the much more momentous purpose of giving content and confidence to the people. Ill did they calculate "the danger of the country, or the means to resist it, who looked at this time "to any thing but the universal and enthusiastic force of the whole nation; " and futile was every measure which did not go to excite that powerful ener-. "gy. He was far, indeed, from wishing to raise discontent or create jealou"sies that could impede the common defence. Whatever might be his opi"nion of the conduct of administration in Ireland, or of the culpable indiffer"ence which the administration of England had shewn to our safety, his object "now was to strengthen their hands, by pointing out to them measures of "which the efficacy in saving the country could not be doubtful. He was not "afraid to mention those, whatever motives an interested party might attri"bute to him. The first, then, was a complete reform of the representation "of the people in parliament. For other measures, let those answer who ad"vised the government of the country to depend on them; for this he would "be responsible. The second, was a perfect emancipation of the Catholics, "and an abolition of all religious distinctions. The third was, a general equali"zation of commerce between the two countries. England should have no "reserves to Ireland: if it were beneficial to England to preserve Ireland as "an united country, she was now bound by interest as well as justice to give "her a community of benefits and advantages. Temporising measures had "been too long the policy with which she had managed this country; and to "those temporising measures the present situation of the country was to be "attributed. They must now be given up if the country be to be saved.”

Mr. solicitor general, in a speech of great vehemence, replied to Mr. Ponsonby:-"What was it come to, that in an Irish House of Commons they "should listen to one of their own members degrading the character of an "Irish gentleman by language which was fitted but for hallowing a mob? Had "he heard a man uttering out of those doors such language as that by which "the honourable gentleman had violated the decorum of parliament, he would "have seized the ruffian by the throat and dragged him to the dust! What "were the house made of? Who could listen in patience to such abominable "sentiments-sentiments, which, thank God! were acknowledged by no class "of men in this country, except the execrable and infamous nest of traitors "who were known by the name of United Irishmen, who sat brooding in Bel"fast over their discontents and treasons, and from whose publications be "could trace word for word every expression the honourable gentleman had used. But the men of Ireland are too wise and too loyal to be led astray by "such artifices: the men of Ireland know whom they can trust-they know "who have been hollow in the cause. The men of Ireland know who they "are that are now armed in the cause to defend their lives, their property, "their families, and their constitution, from the tremendous foe which threatfens all: and the men of Ireland observe also those who are lying by in a suspicious apathy, as if wanting but to view the event of the contest. Who are they that have been foremost in arming to face the enemy? Not, cer"tainly, the honourable gentleman or his friends. None of them were fore"most in the work of glory. But the honourable gentleman does not pass "unnoticed; his conduct is marked-it has given a stamp to his character. "He had intended not to have spoken in this debate; but it was impossible "that a man standing in the situation in which he stood, could have heard the "honourable gentleman in silence. He had wished to hear on this question "the opinion of country gentlemen: he hoped, however, he had not forfeited "his claim to that character by the office which he held."

the lying and malicious assertions made by Mr. Fox in the par liament of Great Britain.* On the 11th of April, 1797, when the house met after the last adjournment, Mr. Grattan expressed his expectation, that the learned doctor who had given notice of his intention to make a motion relative to the propositions in the English parliament offered by lord Moira and Mr. Fox, would mention in due time the day on which he meant the attack; it being his (Mr. Grattan's) fixed opinion, that the propositions offered by those illustrious persons, were not only strictly constitutional and consistent with the most extensive idea of Irish independence, but absolutely necessary for the safety of the empire, and the continuation of the connexion. He added, that the speeches, as set forth in some of the public prints, and attributed to those distinguished characters, were perfectly warranted by the facts, and in every point of view just and seasonable; as such he was ready to defend them.

And on the same day Mr. secretary Pelham presented the following message from his excellency.t

:

Mr. Ponsonby, in reply, observed, "That it was the fashion of the time to "charge treason on every man who differed from the minister on the subject "of the war he had that day been reading a pamphlet, in which Mr. Fox "had been called a traitor, for advising a peace; but the deplorable situation "to which the country had been reduced, was the best vindication of the "wisdom of his advice, and the most convincing proof of the folly of his ac"cuser."

Mr Grattan observed, "That as to the three subjects, he entirely agreed "with his honourable friend-equality of trade; but still more, the complete " and absolute emancipation of the Catholics, and a reform of the Commons "House of parliament: that he was satisfied of their importance to the liberty "and safety of the country; and he added, that if such subjects were held in "this house to be treasonable, it was an argument decisive to prove the ne"cessity of a speedy and complete reform. He added, that he agreed with "the honourable baronet to augment the yeoman corps 50,000 infantry in ad"dition."

On this day also Mr. J. C. Beresford begged to correct a mistatement which had gone abroad, of what he had said in a former debate, on the insurrection bill. It had been stated in a country paper, and from thence copied into those of Dublin, that he had expressed a wish "hat the whole of the "north of Ireland were in open rebellion, that the government might cut them "off." This had been very assiduously circulated, to the detriment of his character; and was, he could confidently say, a falsehood. What he had said was, "that there were certain parts of the north of Ireland in a state of "concealed rebellion; and that he wished those places were rather in a state "of open rebellion, that the government might see the rebellion, and crush "it." I have noticed this, as it has been a frequent imputation against government, that it was their wish to goad the people into rebellion, for the ac cursed purposes of forfeitures, punishments, and extermination.

"CAMDEN.

"GENTLEMEN,

"IN pursuance of the resolution entered into "by the House of Commons, on the 1st of March, 1797, for "raising towards the supply granted to his majesty, the sum of "3,395,697%. upon the terms therein mentioned, I have given "such directions as appeared to me most proper to carry the same into execution; and I am sorry to inform you, that it is "found, after the most diligent endeavours exerted for the purpose, that the sum intended to be raised by the said resolution, "cannot be obtained according to the terms thereof. I therefore "thought it incumbent on me, that this house should be made "acquainted therewith, not doubting that the Commons of Ire"land, attentive to the honour of his majesty's government, and "to the safety of the kingdom, will take such measures as shall "be most prudent to carry the intention of that salutary resolu❝tion into effect."

And on the 19th of the month another message was delivered by his excellency to the house, which shews the cautionary measures the government had in the meantime taken.*

"CAMDEN.

"UPON the information of the meetings of "certain persons, styling themselves United Irishmen, for the 66 purpose of concerting plans for the subversion of the constitu❝tion, and of the established government of this kingdom, two "committees in the town of Belfast have been arrested, and their 66 papers seized: they contain matter of so much importance to "the public welfare, that I have directed them to be laid before "the House of Commons, and I recommend it to them to take "the same into their serious consideration. I shall, in the mean "time, pursue those measures which have received your sanction "and approbation, with unremitting vigour, and employ the "force entrusted to me in the most efficient manner for the pro"tection of his majesty's faithful subjects against all treasonable "designs, and for bringing to condign punishment those who are "endeavouring to overturn the constitution, and betray this "country into the hands of her enemies." Upon which Mr. Pelham observed, that the proper way for the house to take these papers into consideration, would be to refer them to a committee of secrecy. The papers, which they would have to consider, were of such a nature that it was probable they might hereafter be produced in a court of justice, for the conviction of the persons in

Par. Deb. p. 477.

whose custody they had been found; to publish their contents would, therefore, tend to defeat the ends of public justice.

Mr. Grattan was against a secret committee. It was reasonable to suppose, from the nature of this communication from his excellency, that the lives and properties of the subject were to be subjected to new measures of coercion; it was therefore highly unjust, that the committee who were to suggest those measures should be secret: for himself, he would never agree to commit the people of Ireland to the mercy of a secret committee, which would be in effect, to put their lives and fortunes into the hand of the minister, and this too at a time when the misconduct of the minister in both countries was the subject of very general complaint, and when both countries almost unanimously, demanded their dismissal. He was the more inclined to resist this application of ministers for a secret committee, of which their malignity against the people might make a convenient instrument, because he entirely disapproved of their past conduct, and detested that system, by which they had misgoverned the country; because he saw that all their measures, whether parliamentary or military, tended equally to increase the calamities of the people; and because he saw that each successive measure they had tried, was more unjust and unconstitutional than the former.

Mr. Pelham's motion for a secret committee was put and carried: the committee was ordered to consist of 15, and to be appointed by ballot.* An adjournment of some weeks took place to accommodate those members, and many they were, whose professional duties called them on the circuits.

Never was there a more critical and awful moment to the internal state of a kingdom: the change of the popular mind was extreme. Armagh had been for three or four years back the centre of religious acrimony, bigotted cruelty, and continued outrage. The progress of the union had entirely done away these ferocious effects: but so little at this time was the bond of union considered treasonable, that at the Armagh assizes, when the spirit and tendency of it were brought before the court on the trial of Hanlon and Nogher, who were charged of tendering an unlawful oath or engagement to become one of an unlawful, wicked, and seditious society, called United Irishmen, the prisoners were acquitted: the counsel not only defended, but commended the institution, though the judge thought the obligation illegal

• The method of appointing this committee was, for each member to give in his list of 15, and the committee was thus appointed of the following persons, who had the majority of the ballots, viz. Mr. Pelham, Mr. D. la Touche, Mr. Ogle, Mr. J. C. Beresford, Mr. J Stewart, Mr. J. Foster, Mr. commissioner Beresford, lord Castlereagh, Mr. solicitor general, Mr. prime serjeant, Mr. attorney general, Mr. Maxwell, Mr. Alexander, Mr. D. Browne, lord Boyle.