the Catholics in and about Dublin,* were exerting their utmost endeavours to assert the unshaken loyalty of themselves and the respectable part of their body, against the malevolent attempts of their enemies to affix the guilt of rebellion upon the whole Catholic body, and to render the present disastrous contest the more bloody and ferocious by throwing in the deadly venom of religious acrimony.

In the raging violence of open hostilities between a powerful army and an incensed, licentious, and vindictive populace, without discipline or command, many of them unprovided with arms, and more unaccustomed to use them, it was to be expected, that every latent spark of diffidence, animosity, or hatred, should mutually be blown into a flame, and rendered as malevolently active against the adverse party as the vindictive ingenuity of depraved ferocity could devise. The original founders, the chief promoters and conductors of the rebellious union were all Protestants, (except Esmond, M.Nevin, and some few others) but the great mass of the unfortunate and wretched peasants, who had been seduced or goaded into insurgency, undoubtedly were mostly Roman Catholics. There were some corps of Catholic yeomanry, as lord Fingal's; there were several Catholics in some of the Protestant corps of yeomen; most of the Irish militia-men were Catholic, but the rest of the army were to a man Protestant. Unfortunately the virulency of the contest was sharpened by the infusion of all the embittered rancour and opprobrium respectively attached to the terms Papist and Heretic. These antiquated flambeaux of religious bigotry were lighted up anew by both parties, and used by them mutually as the most destructive weapons of their warfare. Without alluding to any justification or even palliation for treason, it falls to the duty of the faithful annalist to detail the real causes of that irritation, which on either side led to cruelties and outrages, which no circumstances whatever could countenance or attenuate. No nation feels more keenly and resents more highly than the Irish the sufferings and oppressions of their ancestors: none so personally make a common cause with them; because none hold them in so much respect and veneration. Their own sufferings under the penal code for a length of

On the 24th of May, the following notice was given in the Dublin Journal and other papers." Roman Catholics. An address to the lord lieutenant, "intended to be immediately presented, and containing a declaration of political "principles applicable to the circumstances of the present moment, lies, for "signature, at Fitzpatrick's, bookseller, Ormond quay; at the earl of Fingal's, "Great George's-street, Rutland-square; lord viscount Kenmare's, Great "George's-street; Malachy Donelan's, esq. Mountjoy's square; and counsel"lor Bellow's, No. 6, Upper Gardiner's-street, Mountjoy's-square. All sig"natures must be given in on or before Saturday next."

Two addresses to the lord lieutenant from the Roman Catholics, are to be seen in Appendix, No. CX.

time, and the recent provocations which they had received from the picquetings, whippings, half hangings, burnings, ravishings, and free quarters of the army, all operated to inflame the Irish against those, whom they in their native language called Sasanagh, which meant indifferently English or Protestants, and to which idea it was lamentably true, that recent circumstances prompted them to annex the most odious and sanguinary epithets. On the other hand every fiction, exaggeration, and obloquy of Popish superstition, Popish massacre, and Popish cruelty, perfidy, and inhumanity were eagerly collected, improved upon, and circulated through the ranks to deaden humanity and irritate the ferocity of the troops.

The misfortune of civil war and rebellion is, that whilst the loyalists commanded the superiority, they are too apt to follow up the rigour of the law, with more atrocity, than considerateness. It follows not, that because the law may justify the killing of a traitor with arms in his hands, that it is wise to carry on a war ad internecionem without quarter. Retaliation in such cases must be expected: and nothing so effectually blunts the edge of cruelty as retaliation. It is a truth beyond question, that the military executions which generally took place immediately after these engagements greatly irritated, and necessarily therefore increased the ferocity of the rebels. The bulletins, which daily announced the engagements with the rebels, seldom, if ever, represented the true numbers of the forces, or of the slain. These misrepresentations might have been well intended to inspire the loyalists with confidence in themselves and a contempt of the enemy. It is a serious evil, when the people becomes convinced of the insincerity of government. On the 25th of May, a letter from general Dundas to lord Castlereagh was published, in which it was asserted, that in an attack made upon a very large body of the re

The answer of doctor M'Nevin to the archbishop of Cashel in the secret committee of the lords, elucidates and confirms this statement. Mem. p. 71. "Archbishop of Cashel. Can you account for the massacres committed upon "the Protestants by the Papists in the county of Wexford?

"MNevin. My lord, I am far from being the apologist of massacres, "however provoked: but if I am rightly informed as to the conduct of the "magistrates of that county, the massacres you allude to were acts of retali"ation upon enemies, much more than fanaticism: morever, my lord, it has "been the misfortune of this country, scarcely ever to have known the En"glish natives or settlers, otherwise than enemies; and in his language the Irish peasant has but one name for Protestant and Englishman, and con"founds them; he calls both by the name of Sasanagh; his conversation "therefore is less against a religionist than against a foe, his prejudice is the "effect of the ignorance he is kept in, and the treatment he receives; how "can we be surprised at it, when so much pains are taken to brutalize him? "Lord Chancellor. I agree with dr. M'Nevin; the Irish peasant considers "the two words as synonymous, he calls Protestant and Englishman, indiffer"ently, Sasanagh."

bels near Kilcullen bridge, 130 of the rebels were slain, and not one of his majesty's troops was either killed or wounded. A like account was published from Hacketstown, received at the castle from the reverend James M'Ghee on the same day. In consequence of an information, that a large body of rebels were marching to attack the town, lieutenant Gardiner, with men under his command, and a party of yeomanry commanded by captain Hardy, went out to meet them. Having reconnoitred their force, which amounted to between three and four hundred, they took post on the hill under the church, and when the rebels came tolerably near, the officers and men made a feint, and retreated into the barracks. The rebels seeing this, came on with a great shout, imagining the day to be their own. In a few minutes captain Hume came up with about thirty of his troop, and instantly charged them, on which the rebels retreated. A general pursuit took place, and so complete was the rout, that above three hundred of the miscreants then lay dead on the field of battle. And not a man (Mr. Gardiner excepted, and one soldier who received a contusion in his arm) was in the least injured.

Wherever any rebels appeared in arms, an immediate attack and general pursuit usually ensued: in which none was spared. The armed rebels generally escaped, and the slaughter fell on the disarmed multitude, who fled from fear and consternation. On the 26th of May, some blood was really spilled in the field of battle. A body of about 4000 rebels which had taken post on the hill of Tarah in the county of Meath, was attacked by about 400 loyalists and completely routed, with the slaughter of three hundred and fifty of their men, who according to the government account were found dead on the field of battle, together with their leader, in his uniform; but only with the loss of nine killed and sixteen wounded of the victorious party, which was composed of three companies of the regiment of Reay fencibles; lord Fingal's troop of yeoman cavalry; those of captain Preston and Lower Kells and captain Molloy's company of yeoman infantry. The

* Musg. p. 297. This author also reports, that the king's troops would have remained on the field all night, "but that they had not a single cartridge left, either for the gun or the small arms." The inference is then a most incredible panic in the rebels to flee from such inferiority of numbers, being ten to one, when the fire upon them had wholly ceased: to abandon their arms which could not have much encumbered a flight, made without pursuit, and to leave behind them their horses, which must have aided their escape, as it was frequent for two or three rebels to mount one horse for the sake of celerity. The same author informs us also, that the rebels" made three desperate on"sets, and in the last laid hold of the cannon." These accounts will be marvellous to posterity, when ocular evidence will exist no more. Either the rebels had no ammunition, or the king's troops were not, according to this au thor, prevented from the want of it from keeping the field.

army is also reported to have taken 300 horses, and all the ammunition, arms, provisions, and baggage of the rebels, together with eight of the Reay fencibles whom they had taken prisoners. This defeat of the rebels at Tarah disconcerted their design of falling upon Trim and Naas, and laying open the communication of the metropolis with the northern parts of the kingdom, as other successful movements produced the like effect in the west.

On the 26th of the month, in order to prevent a rising within the city, the lord mayor of Dublin published in the newspapers and handbills the following notice.

"A CAUTION

"Lest the innocent should suffer for the guilty.

"The lord mayor requests his fellow citizens to keep within "their houses as much as possible they can, suitable to their con❝venience, after sun-set, in this time of peril, as the streets "should be kept as clear as possible, should any tumult or rising "to support rebellion be attempted, in order that the troops and "artillery may act with full effect in case of any disturbance."

And the lord lieutenant in an official letter to the duke of Portland on the same day, assured his grace, that the city of Dublin had been perfectly tranquil, owing to the precautions which had been taken. It was impossible to describe, in terms sufficiently strong, the indefatigable zeal, patience, and spirit of the yeomanry corps. Too much praise could not be given to his majesty's regular and militia forces; and the latter had had opportunities of evincing their steadiness, discipline, and bravery, which must give the highest satisfaction to his majesty, and inspire the best grounded confidence in their exertion, should they have a more formidable enemy to contend with.

The same letter also stated, that a party of the rebels, to the amount of several hundred, were attacked by a part of the Antrim militia, a small party of cavalry, and captain Stafford's yeomanry; and that being driven into the town of Baltinglas, they lost about 150 men. And that on the same morning an account had been received from major Hardy, that the day before a body of three or four thousand had collected near Dunlavin, where they were entirely defeated, with the loss of five hundred men, by lieutenant Gardiner, at the head of a detachment of Antrim militia, and captain Hardy's and captain Hume's yeomanry. That lieutenant general Craig had left Dublin, in the hopes of meeting the body of rebels which had collected near Dunboyne, and parties were sent in different directions to surround them. They, however, fled in the night, on hearing the approach of the troops. That the general came up, with a party consisting of about 500, some of whom were put to the sword. And that by accounts from the north, it appeared that the province of Ulster was quiet,

So beset were all the roads and communications to and with the metropolis by the rebels, that it had the appearance of a be sieged city. The mail coaches had ceased to run, and nothing could move with safety on the road without a strong military escort.* It would be painful to the reader to wade through the particular instances of outrage and barbarity committed during this rebellion, both by the soldiery and the insurgents, in burning, plundering, maiming, torturing, ravishing, and murdering. These barbarities were practised reciprocally: and it is allowed by the best informed and most impartial persons, that infinitely more cold blood was shed, more property destroyed, more houses burned, and more women abused by the troops, than by the insurgents and it must be noted, that whatever gloss, palliation, or justification we may derive from the law to throw over the conduct of the military, that same law would work but faintly upon the passions of a lawless multitude in open rebellion, toward the prevention of retaliation. Inter arma silent leges.

Discouraged by defeats, some of the rebels began to wish for leave to retire in safety to their houses, and resume their peaceful occupations. Of this a remarkable instance occurred on the 28th, and another on the 31st of May; lieutenant general Dundas, who had, in the afternoon of the 24th, defeated a rebel force near Kilcullen, and relieved that little town, received on the 28th, at his quarters at Naas, by Thomas Kelly, esq. a magistrate, a message from a rebel chief named Perkins, who was then at the

The author of the memoirs (Musg. 288) gives us here also some more incredible instances of the extreme stupidity and cowardice of the insurgents: who having been informed of the intention of sending four waggons of ammunition to Naas, which were escorted by 24 men of the merchants corps, permitted them to proceed, although there were 1400 rebels in the woods ready to cut them off.

† As to this species of outrage, which rests not in proof, it is universally allowed to have been exclusively on the side of the military: it produced an in. dignant horror in the country, which went beyond, but prevented retaliation. It is a characteristic mark of the Irish nation, neither to forget nor forgive an insult or injury done to the honour of their female relatives. It has been boasted of by officers of rank, that within certain large districts a woman had not been left undefiled: and upon observation in answer, that the sex must then have been very complying, the reply was, that the bayonet removed all squeamishness. A lady of fashion, having in conversation been questioned as to this difference of conduct towards the sex, in the military and the rebels, attributed it in disgust to a want of gallantry in the croppies. By these general remarks, it is not meant to verify or justify the saying of a field officer, or a lady of quality, both of whom could be named: but merely to shew the prevalence of the general feelings and prepossessions at that time upon the horrid subjects: and consequently what effects must naturally have flowed from them. In all matters of irritation and revenge, it is the conviction that the injury exists which produces the bad effect. Even sir Richard Musgrave admits, (p. 429) that " most occasions they did not offer any violence to the tender sex."

on