CHAPTER IX.

STATESMEN OF THE PRESENT DAY.

FRANZ VON DEÀK.

FRANZ VON DEAK was born on October 13, 1803, at the humble but ancient abode of his family, in the small village of Kihida, in the county (comitat) of Zala. He was educated for the bar, at the University of Raab, where he won a name for good humour and for the benevolence of his disposition. He was returned as member for the district of Zala, which his elder brother, Anton, had represented before his death. It is related that, when Anton Deak had to retire from political life on account of ill-health, he told his friends that he would send to them, as his successor, a young man who had more knowledge and honourable feeling in his little finger than he himself possessed, although the latter was his younger brother.

Deak was in his twenty-second year when he entered the Diet of 1825. This Diet was the commencement of the great reform movement in Hungary. By an extraordinary coincidence, the great benefactor of Hungary, Count Stephan Szécsenyi, took his seat for the first time at the Magnaten table when Franz von Deak became Deputy. Stephan Szécsenyi had as colleague Baron Nikolaus Wesselenyi. Deàk was also firmly supported by the celebrated orator Paul von Nagy, whose fiery eloquence, it is stated, overshadowed that of Kossuth. The reform 1 See note on the State of Hungary, p. 70.

which these four men boldly declared that they intended to attempt was considered by the mass of the people to be the dream of madmen. They asked from the rich to give up the greater part of their income, and those who possessed rights to be themselves the instruments of their annihilation. It is stated that a venerable deputy, on hearing Deak say I am for an extreme radical reform,' remarked Shall I then in my old age live to see my beloved country commit suicide?' Yet in a space of twenty-three years the demands of these great patriots were acknowledged by their countrymen to be just, and the Diet of 1847 unanimously confirmed them.

In the Diet of 1832-36, Deak, who was then in his twenty-ninth year, became the acknowledged leader of the then rapidly-increasing reform party. He displayed in his speeches in defence of the peasants, general taxation, and the state of Poland, a commanding eloquence and facility of expression which had such an effect on his hearers that they were afraid to attack his arguments, although the unfortunate Szécsenyi was the target of the political arrows of his opponents, and was considered by many of his brother nobles to be a renegade to their The result of this Diet seems to have convinced the Government that they must take active steps to prevent the increase of the reform movement; and in order to intimidate the moderate reform party they unwisely placed in confinement Louis Kossuth and Vladislaus Lovassy, who, had they been left alone, would, through their ungovernable folly, have induced many of the moderate party to strengthen the ranks of Deàk's opponents.

cause.

The consequence of this and other acts on the part of the Imperial Government was that it found its opponents greatly increased in the Diet of 1839. Through his masterly tact Deàk gained the entire leadership and con

fidence of the Lower House; and he never pushed his victory too far, but was always ready to effect any practical compromise with his opponents, and there is no doubt he thereby gained their respect, for they perceived that he wished to effect his object by constitutional means. The result was that this Diet ended in bringing about a good understanding between the King and his people.

Deak now became, as we may say, the first political personage in Hungary-as Count Stephan Szécsenyi at this time ceased to take an active part in the whirlpool of political life-but he had worthy followers behind him in the persons of Counts Louis Batthyany, Vladislaus Teleki and Baron Eötvös. Amongst Deàk's most celebrated colleagues, who occupied a high position in public opinion, were B. von Szémere, G. von Klausal, E. von Beöthy, M. von Perczel, F. von Pulszky, A. von Trefort, L. von Szalay, and Ivon Ludvigh. The great platform agitator of the day was Louis Kossuth, who no doubt, through the violent language which he used in his journal 'Pesti Hirlap,' created a party whose policy will always interfere with the gradual development of constitutional reform in Hungary, and thereby assist blindly those nationalities who wish to assert their own independence. In the year 1843 Deak again stood as candidate for the county of Zala, and in his address boldly proclaimed himself the advocate of universal taxation. Zala at that time contained 274,000 inhabitants. Amongst these were 24,000 peasants belonging to the inferior class of nobility, together with a large number of richly-endowed clergy; these two classes were in fact the voters. Deak's pro

clamation was tantamount to a declaration of war against the rights of these voters, for they were at that time exempt from taxation. One of the most severe electioneering contests now took place, both parties adopting

every possible means to effect the victory of their representative. Hungary had seldom seen such a scene of unlimited bribery, corruption, and coercion; and blood was shed in many cases. Deàk, on being acquainted with the means by which his supporters intended placing him at the head of the poll, stated that he would not be a party to such transactions, and would rather resign. None of his party would believe him, but, on his return being announced to him, Deàk refused to accept his nomination. Many of his friends who had spent considerable sums of money to purchase votes, were suffering under great pecuniary embarrassment; they were naturally greatly irritated at what they considered prudishness on the part of Deak, who, to his great honour, was proof against all such specious arguments, and remained at home. At the opening of the Diet, Eugen von Beöthy moved that the question should be put at the opening of every Diet whether Franz Deàk was there, and that the chair which he usually occupied should be left vacant. Deak's honest conduct had the effect of gaining him the respect of his bitterest opponents. Even the various nationalities acknowledged the virtuous integrity of his conduct, and his five years' retreat no doubt had the most beneficial effect on the country at large. It was generally expected that in the Diet of 1847 Deak would again represent the county of Zala, but, unfortunately, he was at that time attacked by an illness which seems to have baffled the skill of his physicians, for they advised him to travel for the benefit of his health. During this time he visited Italy, Switzerland, France, England, and Germany, and was therefore unable to be present when his ideas became the law of the land. But let us for a moment consider what were his demands; 20,000 of the most noble families of Hungary, six-sevenths of which

were of the Magyar race, and who possessed the most absolute feudal rights, should give up their privileges and make themselves equal to their former serfs!

Deàk's place as a leader of the liberal party was now occupied, we might say seized, by Louis Kossuth, who, it is stated, was elected through the influence of Count Louis Batthyany, whom it seems Kossuth, by his fiery and wonderful eloquence, had gained over for a time to his extreme views. In this Kossuth seems to have been equally successful with the Deàk party.

When Count Batthyany, in March 1848, was called upon to form a Ministry, he consented to do so with the reservation that Deàk should be one of its members. Deak, who had now returned, considered it his duty to join the Batthyany Ministry, in which he received the portfolio of Minister of Grace and Justice. This was one of the most delicate posts in the cabinet, as the new reforms had quite upset the old laws, especially as regards the rights of the nobles over the peasants; and it is stated that it is principally through Deàk's great tact that the most serious disturbances were prevented, for the seeds of Louis Kossuth's policy were already developing socialistic ideas among the peasants. Deak during his presence in the cabinet, designed several legislative reforms with reference to the common law of Hungary, which are now being introduced into practice. He ceased to be a member of the Batthyany Ministry in October 1848. During the time he was in office, he always sided with the more moderate party, who we are told consisted of Batthyany, Eötvös, Klausal, and General Meszaros. Deak was one of the deputation who went to Vienna for the purpose of negotiating with the Reichstag in September 1848. On his return he seems to have taken little or no active part in the affairs of the day. Hungary and its King now stood in armed opposition to each other.