On Christmas eve, the Imperial general Prince Windischgrätz appeared with an army before Pesth. Both Houses of the Hungarian Parliament before dissolving determined to send the following deputation: George von Majláth, Counts Louis Batthyany and Anton Majláth, the Archbishop of Erlau, Josef von Lunovics, and Franz von Deak to the Imperial commander, for the purpose of coming, if possible, to some understanding with him in order to prevent the shedding of blood. This deputation › the general declined to receive. The Hungarian Government thereupon hastily retreated to Debreczin; Deak for the time having retired into private life to his country residence at Kihida.

In January 1849, Prince Windischgrätz entered Pesth. It is not my intention to enter into the details of this unfortunate dispute. Many think that if Deak had come forward in 1849 he could have brought about a compromise between the two contending parties; but it seems more likely that Deak, from his intimate knowledge of the character of the men who were taking an active part in the conflict, was convinced that such an attempt on his part would have been perfectly fruitless; and there is little doubt that Deak saw with a prophetic glance the events which have since taken place, and in order to be of service to his country he had for the time being determined to remain an inactive spectator. During his retreat he held little or no personal intercourse with politicians. The Imperial Government seemed as if passively to ignore his existence. His well-known face was to be constantly. seen at Pesth and even in Vienna. When the Viennese cabinet attempted a reorganisation in the unfortunate state of affairs in Hungary, they invited Deàk to come to Vienna and give them his assistance. Deàk wrote a letter to the Chevalier Schmerling modestly but firmly declining to accede to the invitation. He stated that his

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reason for so doing was that the policy of the Viennese cabinet was in direct opposition to his own opinions, because that policy was illegal. Had Deak gone to Vienna, we think from what is now known of the political opinions of the unfortunate Baron von Bruck that he would have found in him a warm supporter, who had for his purpose the well-being of the Emperor-King and his Hungarian subjects. The minister Bach seems to have cherished the idea that if he saw Deàk alone, he would be able to gain him over to his views. He therefore invited him to a private audience; but Deak was not to be convinced, and after several interviews, he took leave of the minister, uttering these remarkable words: Your excellency, I trust, will excuse me; I know of no other constitution but the Hungarian; and as long as it does not exist, which at present is the case, I also cease to exist.'

Deak passed his winters in Pesth or Vienna, and the summers at his own country residence; but he seems now to have mixed more with some of his political friends belonging to the extreme moderate party: chiefly Baron Eötvös, A. von Esengery, and the journalist S. von Kemeny.

After the Italian war, the old conservative party attempted to open negotiations with the Emperor. Encouraged by their reception, they sought the assistance of Deak: the extreme national party also applied to the patriot to support their views; but he declined to have anything to do with either of them.

Before following him further in his political career, we think we had better give our readers a slight description of his personal appearance and traits of character at this time. Deak is a strong and powerfully-built man, with broad shoulders, a fine Roman head, short hair, determined eyebrows and bushy moustaches, with ingenuous eyes and a good-natured expression; his voice is clear

and manly but subdued. He is very frugal in his habits, but cannot for a moment be without his favourite cigar; and when not in society, he is always engaged in study. Yet this remarkable man, whose mind contains a mine of wealth, has never written a line in his life, although he has been President of the Academy of Science since 1839. He has only about 6,000 gulden a year, and yet his purse is always open to the poor and needy; and it is a well-known fact that his generosity is constantly imposed upon. Although a bachelor, Deàk is very fond of female society, where he makes himself thoroughly at home, and enraptures everybody with his witty and humorous conversation. So great a favourite is the old bachelor, that it is stated that the ladies are very fond of thronging around him and openly kissing him. To this process he does not at all object, and calls the ladies his sisters. He is considered to be the greatest favourite of his Empress-Queen; and if anyone wishes to pay a compliment to the old man, he has only to express his admiration and respect for the lovely Queen of Hungary. But what is most extraordinary is the effect which it produces on him; and this I noticed myself the last time I saw him at Pesth, when he had just recovered from a severe illness. His voice and manner became suddenly changed, his eyes flashed fire, and he spoke with all the enthusiasm and fiery impetuosity of a thorough young Hungarian. A fact worthy of notice is that he is one of those few politicians who will give you a direct and straightforward answer to any question with reference to his political life or that of his country; but he never introduces politics into conversation unless called upon to do so. He is without doubt one of the most agreeable and lively of companions, and his amusing anecdotes and genial conversation would dissipate any amount of spleen in the most hypochondriacal individual,

Deak is also one of the most tender-hearted men; from his lips, it is stated, have never fallen those withering sarcasms which men of great intellect are so prone to employ, and he was never heard to make an unkind remark.

He is moderate in all his opinions, and yet his remarks display such a strength of character that they leave behind a lasting impression on the minds of his hearer Patriot without ambition, he never sought to be the leader of his party; and still there is no doubt nature intended him to be one, for from the commencement of his political career he has always been acknowledged to be chief of his party, not only by those who entertain opinions similar to his own, but also by his opponents His talents as an orator are, no doubt, of the highest quality. It is true, he does not possess that fiery eloquence which produces shouts of applause from its hearers and for the time being convinces them of the truthfulness of the arguments of the orator, nor can he speak when he has no real subject to speak upon, but what he does say can be read in print, and years afterwards appears as a fragment of history.

Deak's first sign of recommencing his political life was the part he took in the celebrated interview which he and Baron Eötvös had with his Majesty the Emperor-King of Hungary. In all the deliberations in which he took part with reference to the compromise, there is no doubt that his influence and moderation greatly aided the Emperor in coming to a good understanding with his subjects. On March 11, 1861, he was elected Deputy by the central district of Pesth. Although he declared that it was unconstitutional that the Diet should be assembled at Ofen instead of Pesth, still, in the hopes of bringing about some peaceful arrangement, Deak not only took his seat, but induced many others to follow his example.

In the great debate from May 13, to August 8, 1861, with reference to the answer to the speech delivered from the throne, the extreme party of action, which assumed the name of the Fatherland party,' had openly proposed to return no answer whatever, but have their reply published in the different Hungarian newspapers. Some of the moderate party remarked that the common laws of courtesy required that the royal speech should be answered. Deak then rose, and read an address which he proposed should be sent as a reply to the speech from the throne, and which made his name from that time famous in Europe. The address was unanimously adopted by both parties, with the exception of the so-called Fatherland,' who adhered to their former resolution. Chevalier von Schmerling, who was in favour of the centralisation policy, was naturally strongly opposed to Deak's opinions. He therefore advised his Imperial master to dissolve the Hungarian Diet, as he believed that the different nationalities would ultimately, one by one, come to an arrangement with him.

In 1865, the Emperor acknowledged the independence of Hungary as a constitutional State; but he reserved to himself certain rights as Emperor of Austria, which did not meet with the approval of his Hungarian subjects. Deak again came forward as the spokesman of his country, and his celebrated answer to the Emperor's proclamation, on February 2, 1866, brought about the present compromise.

The first real step towards a practical solution of the Hungarian question was taken at the time when Baron Beust took the portfolio as Minister of Foreign Affairs. The Diets of Hungary and Croatia were convoked; on November 19, the Deputies were informed that it was the intention of their Emperor-King to form as soon as possible a Hungarian Ministry, but with the proviso that