the comforting assurance that the more monstrous the proposal seems the more certain it is that it cannot be what Mr. Glad

stone will propose. Be it so. We are content to wait, but we object to this attempt to prejudge the whole question by the introduction of Mr. Gladstone's great name. We do know that Mr. Chamberlain dissents, and he cannot be dismissed by the cheap sneer that he is not everybody.' He is a thoroughly sound Radical, and what does not satisfy him is sure to dissatisfy a large section of the party. In the country his influence is second only to that of Mr. Gladstone himself, and if his opposition has to be reckoned with, it will be a very serious matter. As to setting it aside by such unworthy insinuations as those in which The Pall Mall Gazette' indulges, it is worse than useless. If Mr. Chamberlain holds that Mr. Gladstone's measures proceed on a mistaken principle, and are fraught with peril to the nation, he has not only a right to express that opinion and act in accordance with it, but he is solemnly bound to do so. He is taking up no new ground, but acting out his own professions during the late contest-professions which earned for him the bitter hatred and the unsparing denunciations of the Irish party. We do not pronounce him right, but we protest against any attempt to put a man out of the synagogue because he will not accept a measure for which six months ago hardly a hand would have been held up in the Liberal council. Home Rule has yet to be discussed, and that discussion must be both free and searching. They are not Mr. Gladstone's best friends who attempt to overbear all opposition by his authority.

Until the Ministerial proposals are actually before us, discussion must necessarily be very unsatisfactory. Rumours are continually flying about, and any argument based upon those of to-day may be effectually disposed of by an emphatic contradiction of their truth to-morrow. Home Rule is a vague and extremely elastic phrase. It may mean nothing more than an extended system of local government, or it may mean a separate Parliament. Even if it be the latter, its functions and powers may be more or less restricted. It may have as independent a jurisdiction as a Colonial legislature enjoys, or it may be subordinate to the Imperial Parliament. And what at this moment seems to be the nost uncertain factor of all, it may or may not be accompanied by a gigantic scheme of land purchase. While there are so many points of doubt, it would be worse than folly to pronounce any definite opinion, except indeed on general principles. It is however, undoubted that the Liberal party will be very slow to approve

of an independent Parliament in Dublin, whatever be the defences by which it may be surrounded. But if, in order to secure an object which in itself is most distasteful to them, they are asked to saddle the country with a heavy additional burden, Mr. Gladstone must indeed be a magician if he can persuade them to follow him. If, indeed, Mr. Morley were able to fulfil the promise held out in his Chelmsford speech, and free us from the presence of Irish representatives at Westminster, the nation would doubtless be prepared to make considerable sacrifices and run some risk. But it is generally admitted that that was a rash undertaking, which cannot be fulfilled. One of the most serious difficulties of the situation will, therefore, be perpetuated. We may provide what securities we please, but we shall have a powerful group in the Imperial Parliament prepared to resort to any tactics in order to make those guarantees futile.

It may be that the Land Purchase Scheme will be abandoned, and that instead of a Parliament with its own Ministry and with a control which would be practically absolute over Irish affairs, a more modest kind of Chamber will be proposed; and if such a via media be found we shall heartily rejoice. We certainly cannot stand by and see the Liberal arty rent in pieces in order to propitiate Mr. Parnell, and to propitiate him by giving him power to work greater mischief in the future. For even the concession of Home Rule will not end our troubles. A hostile Ireland, with an independent legislature will always be a source of trouble. Very possibly, as Mr. Giffen argues, our actual danger of invasion may not be greatly increased; but the necessity for measures of self-defence will assuredly be felt, and the result will be an access of the Jingo temper, the occupation of the public mind with military questions, and a serious check to all measures of domestic reform. Of course, all this reasoning would fall to the ground if we could be assured that Ireland would henceforth regard this country with friendly sentiments. Unfortunately, this is one of the many doubtful points which we are invited to treat as probabilities. Home Rule will give a Roman Catholic majority complete ascendency, but we are told that majority will be possessed by the spirit of charity and goodwill. Home Rule will give the peasantry an undisputed supremacy, and we are to hope that the men whose atrocious cruelties in vindication of their assumed right to the land have been a disgrace to civilization will deal justly with the landlords when they have them in their power. It may be so, but practical statesmanship is not likely to proceed

upon so extreme a supposition. That Mr. Gladstone will endeavour to safeguard the rights of the minority we do not doubt, and we have now only to await the production of his measures before we pronounce whether the securities are, if not sufficient, at least the strongest which can be provided.

In the meantime, all other questions are postponed. The new Parliament is much sneered at by The Times' and other papers of a like type, but the reason is because its members are addressing themselves to their work in so free and independent a spirit. Clearly, the representatives of the democracy mean business, but until the Irish block is removed nothing else can be done.

CONTEMPORARY LITERATURE.

HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, AND TRAVELS

The Egyptian Campaigns, 1882-1885, and the Events which
Led to Them. By CHARLES ROYLE, Barrister-at-Law.
Two Vols. Hurst and Blackett.

In

From Korti to Khartum. By Col. Sir CHARLES W. WILSON. William Blackwood and Sons.

This is the first complete history which has appeared of the recent campaign in Egypt. Several works have been published on sections of the subject which we have already noticed-General Brackenbury's story of the Nile Column being prominent amongst them. But Mr. Royle, who in his preface tells us that he has had the advantage, if such it can be called, of residing in Egypt during the past ten years, and of enjoying, so far as the expression is applicable, opportunities of personally observing many of the events referred to,' has gone over the whole ground with a spirit of impartiality, accuracy, and disinterestedness most highly to be commended. If it cannot be said that he writes with captivating eloquence, or describes military movements like Kinglake or Malleson, he certainly is most methodic, and from his well-informed and trustworthy pages a clear and connected idea may be gathered of the whole subject from first to last. He is patriotic; but not to the verge of blinking facts. He declares that while blunders-great blunders-were made by Mr. Gladstone's Government, it is very doubtful if the Tories would have done any better. While he dwells on the mistakes committed by Admiral Seymour in his conduct of the bombardment of Alexandria, and the fatal suffering and loss caused by the adoption of the Nile route to the Soudan, he does both the admiral and the general full justice for their indefatig

able application, and, for once, he waxes almost eloquent in his praise of the heroic and uncomplaining devotion of the men, of whom Count Moltke is said to have spoken in the highest terms as being not soldiers, but heroes. But as regards the burning of Alexandria,' the disorder, the destruction, and the loss of life that followed from riot, Mr. Royle is decided and outspoken.

'Regarded from any point of view, the responsibility for the burning of Alexandria rests with Admiral Seymour, just as much as if his shells, instead of the torches of the Arabs, had set fire to the town; and it is submitted that it is not much to say that the bombardment of the forts without the movement being followed by an immediate landing was one of the gravest errors ever committed by any military or naval commander of modern times.'

Mr. Royle gives, what we are not aware has been given elsewhere, a most faithful and detailed account of what took place in Alexandria when the Arabs broke forth, wild and drunken, to gloat over the pain and bloodshed of Europeans; and it shows the depths to which half-civilized human nature may descend when we learn that young Arabs, mere children, went about actively in this diabolical work. It would appear that till Mr. Royle gave these details, little was known in England as to the number of Europeans killed and wounded. With regard to some of the fatal blunders under which sections of the advancing force into the Soudan were surprised and almost decimated, Mr. Royle does not fail to apportion fairly the blame of these mishaps. Nor does he fail to do justice to the admirable fighting qualities of the Soudanese, who, regarding themselves as the wronged party and opposed to ruthless invaders of their country, refused to accept quarter. Under these circumstances, in not a few instances, our fighting in the Soudan degenerated into mere savagery. The enemy would not yield, and fought till they were killed outright; and this course of conduct so irritated our troops on several occasions that it would seem all ordinary rules of civilized warfare were suspended. That this was the case any one may see by turning to Mr. Royle's second volume and reading pages 150-159.

On the political aspects of the war, Mr. Royle has a good deal to say. In his earlier chapter he traces up the whole affair to our unfortunate entanglement in the affairs of Egypt in 1875, when England had a direct pecuniary interest in the country in consequence of the purchase of four million pounds of Ismail Pasha's Suez Canal Shares. And as he is clear about the causes, so he is clear in his own mind about the cure: What ought now to be done is perfectly clear, and neither Sir H. Drummond Wolff nor the Anglo-Turkish Commission need waste time in making inquiries or drawing up schemes. Put the administration really, instead of nominally and half-heartedly under English control. Discard all idea of going away in two years, or twenty years, or two hundred years if the country is not brought to order and prosperity by that time. Declare that as long as England remains she will be responsible for Egyptian finances, and for the safety and property of Europeans. Simplify as much as pos

sible the official staff and system, and take proper steps for securing whatever point may be needed as the frontier of Egypt proper. If once this attitude is taken up, Europe will be satisfied, Egypt's creditors will be contented, there will be no difficulty in arranging for the suspension of the capitulations, and progress will be made. Short of some such proceeding as this no good can be done by Sir H. Drummond Wolff or anybody else. It is not examining and reporting, but doing, that is wanted. Cease talking and writing, and act. That is the advice which every Englishman who joins patriotism to some knowledge of the matter must give at the present moment.'

Non-interventionists will not be satisfied with this; but then, unfortunately, we are in Egypt.

A perusal of Mr. Royle's book is an admirable, almost a necessary qualification for reading Col. Wilson's book. It deals with one episode of the history which Mr. Royle has related. But it is the diary of the commander of the expedition and tells us many things and many details of things that could not otherwise have been known. It is almost a unique publication. Nothing more simple, judicial, or modest could have been written. Colonel Wilson gives to every coadjutor fully and generously the praise that he may claim. He is not over anxious to exculpate himself. He tells his story in the light of daily incidents, as if speaking to himself-he nought extenuates nor aught sets down in malice-and this gives the narrative a great charm. Most critics have come to Sir Charles Wilson's conclusion, that had the steamers left Gubat a week earlier than they did, that even had it been possible for them to have reached Khartum on the 25th of January their presence would not have averted the fall of the city. 'It seems clear (he says) from what we now know, that the Mahdi might have taken Khartum any day after Christmas day. He hoped to starve the place out, and put off the assault to the last moment.' In such an expedition mistakes are inevitable—it is easy to be wise after the Sir Charles Wilson has no reason to reproach himself. His ability is abundantly vindicated, as well as his generous feeling, by this intensely interesting narrative.

event.

Oceana; or, England and her Colonies. By JAMES ANTHONY FROUDE. Longmans, Green, and Co.

Under the form of a book of travel Mr. Froude has given us a theory of politics and a philosophy. Oceana, of which Sir James Harrington dreamed in old days, is now a fact; and, if the peculiar relations of England to her Colonies negative much as regards the constitution prophesied, the development of these countries in their physical and social aspects surpasses all of which Harrington dreamed. The 'rich results' have laid hold of Mr. Froude's imagination, and his curiosity demanded satisfaction by actual acquaintance. It is characteristic of him that he chose the long sea-voyage by the Cape instead of the overland journey to Australia, in order that he might have complete change,