CHAPTER III. 1792-1793. Second Presidential Election-Republican Triumph in the Congressional Elections-Closing Session of the preceding Congress-It refuses to hear Heads of Departments on the Floor -References to Heads of Departments sustained-Political Letters-French Relations -The President's Views on them-Loan to United States Bank defeated-" The Catholic principle of Republicanism"-Partisan partialities towards France and England-Jefferson's strong Letter to Short-Republican Opposition to Jefferson's Retirement -His disagreeable Position-Letter to his Daughter on the Subject-Defers his Retirement-Refuses to form a Coalition with Hamilton-Additional Assumption defeated by the President-W. S. Smith's Communications from the French Government-The President urges Jefferson to accept the French Mission, when he retires from the Cabinet De Ternant's application for Prepayment granted-Prepayment of entire French Debt refused-Proceedings in Congress-Inquiry into the Conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury-Hamilton's Replies to the House-Resolutions of Censure defeatedTheir Propriety considered-War between France and England-How regarded in the United States-Cabinet Proceedings in reference to Reception of French Minister, and to the Bindingness of French Treaties-President's Proclamation-Jefferson's View of Randolph's Draft-President decides to receive French Minister, and that the French Treaties are binding-Jefferson refuses to remove Freneau from Office-His language and Motives considered-His Idea of a Casus Belli with the European PowersMorris instructed to respect the de facto Government of France-Jefferson's Ideas on Public Officers embarking in Speculations-Citizen Genet, the new French MinisterHis Arrival in the United States-English Vessels captured-The Popular Feeling-Cabinet Deliberations on Neutrality Laws-Instructions to Pinckney-Jefferson's Description of the Views of the Cabinet-Hamilton's proposed Circular to the Collectors-Jefferson's Reply to Complaints of Hammond-Complains to Hamilton of his Intrusions on his Department-Cabinet divide on Propriety of restoring Prizes to England-Positions of the Several Members-President concurs with the Secretary of StateGenet's Arrival and Reception in Philadelphia-His Reception by the President— His Waiver of the American Guaranty of the French West Indies-Its Effect on the Public Mind-Relations with Spain-Its hostile Deportment towards United StatesInstructions to American Commissioners in Spain-Cabinet Meetings in regard to Southern Indians- Decisive Dispatches to Spain-Forwarded without a Cabinet Consultation-War considered imminent-Federal Hostility to the French Republic considered-General Washington's Attitude on this Subject-His perfect Understanding with the Secretary of State-Leaves the latter to decide whether an immediate Call shall be made on England to surrender the Northern Posts-Jefferson's Call on Hammond-The contemplated Consequences of this Step-The Anglo-Spanish AllianceThe President's greater Confidence in Jefferson than in the other Members of his Cabinet, in regard to Foreign Affairs, manifested. PRESIDENT WASHINGTON finally consented to become a canlidate for reëlection. He met with no opposition and received 102 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. [CHAP. III. a unanimous vote in the Electoral College. The Federalists supported John Adams for the Vice-Presidency, and the Republicans George Clinton, of New York. The former received seventy-seven electoral votes, and the latter fifty.' But several considerations prevented this from being made as purely a test of the relative strength of parties as that which took place in the congressional elections under the new Apportionment Bill.' The Republicans carried a decided majority of the members. Precisely how large that majority was, it would now be difficult to say, for before the meeting of the third Congress, events took place which changed the partisan relations of some of the members. The Republicans lost considerably in this way, yet on the vote on the Speakership they still had a majority of ten. But we have not yet done with the second Congress, which convened pending some of the events described in the last chapter. The second session commenced on the 5th of November, 1792. On the 16th, Mr. Jefferson thus wrote his son-in-law, Mr. Randolph : DEAR SIR: Congress have not yet entered into any important business. An attempt has been made to give further extent to the influence of the Executive over the Legislature, by permitting the heads of departments to attend the House and explain their measures vivâ voce. But it was negatived by a majority of thirty-five to eleven, which gives us some hope of the increase of the Republican vote. However, no trying question enables us yet to judge, nor indeed is there reason to expect from this Congress many instances of conversion, though some will probably have been effected by the expression of the public sentiment in the late election. For, as far as we have heard, the event has been generally in favor of Republican, and against the aristocratical candidates. In this State the election has been triumphantly carried by the Republicans; their antagonists having got but two out of eleven members, and the vote of this State can generally turn the balance. Freneau's paper is getting into Massachusetts, under the patronage of Hancock and Samuel Adams; and Mr. Ames, the colossus of the Monocrats and paper men, will either be left out or hard run. The people of that State are Republican; but hitherto they have heard nothing but the hymns and lauds chanted by Fenno. My love to my dear Martha, and am, dear sir, yours affectionately. The vote here alluded to respecting permitting heads of de The vote stood for Mr. Adams: New Hampshire, 6; Massachusetts, 16; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 9; Vermont, 3; New Jersey, 7; Pennsylvania, 14; Delaware, 3; Maryland, 8; South Carolina, 7. For Mr. Clinton: New York, 12; Pennsylvania, 1; Virginia, 21; North Carolina, 12; Georgia, 4. Mr. Jefferson received the 4 votes of Kentucky. Aaron Burr received 1 vote from South Carolina. 2 For example, in Pennsylvania, where the Republicans were decidedly in the ascendant, and elected nearly all their members of Congress, Mr. Adams received all the electoral votes but one; and these alone were sufficient to turn the scale. CHAP. III.] LAST SESSION OF SECOND CONGRESS. 103 partments to personally address Congress on its floor, arose during the debate on the report of a committee on General St. Clair's defeat. This was thought by implication to cast censure on the War and Treasury departments; and Dayton moved (November 13th) that the secretaries of those departments be directed to attend the House, and give information. This was warmly resisted by Madison, Giles, and other leading Republicans, as unconstitutional, and a most dangerous precedent; and was supported by Ames, Boudinot, Smith, of South Carolina, Gerry and others. A branch of the Federalists, headed by Fitzsimmons, Murray, and Livermore, was not prepared to submit Congress to this species of influence, and consequently the motion failed by the decisive vote recorded.' Another exciting debate took place on a motion made by Fitzsimmons, on the 19th, to refer a portion of the President's Message relating to the redemption of the public debt, to the Secretary of the Treasury, to report a plan for such redemption. The Republicans, anxious to reduce the continually growing influence of the Executive over the Legislative department, warmly resisted the reference. Madison, Mercer, Page, and others spoke in the negative, and were answered by Ames, Sedgwick, Smith of South Carolina, Gerry, and, indeed, nearly the whole Federal strength of the House. The motion finally prevailed by a vote of thirty-two to twenty-five; and another resolution was passed, at the same time (November 21st), directing the Secretary of the Treasury to report a plan for paying at once the two millions advanced by the Bank of the United States to offset against the same amount subscribed to the stock of that institution. Mr. Jefferson wrote Mr. Pinckney, in England, on the 3d of December: "The elections for Congress have produced a decided majority in favor of the Republican interest. They complain, you know, that the influence and patronage of the Executive is to become so great as to govern the Legislature. They endeavored a few days ago to take away one means of influence by condemning references to the heads of departments. They failed by a majority of five votes. They were more successful in their endeavor to prevent the introduction of a new means of influence, that of admitting the heads of department to deliberate occa sionally in the House in explanation of their measures. The proposition for their 1 Finally, on Madison's motion, the matter was sent back to the Committee, and the secretaries were permitted to attend before the Committee, to make explanations. 2 This, by the conditions of the loan, was payable in annual installments of two hun dred thousand dollars, with six per cent. interest. 104 AFFAIRS IN FRANCE. [CHAP. III. admission was rejected by a pretty general vote. I think we may consider the tide of this government as now at the fullest, and that it will, from the commencement of the next session of Congress, retire and subside into the true principles of the Constitution. An alarm has been endeavored to be sounded as if the Republican interest was indisposed to the payment of the public debt. Besides the genera. object of the calumny, it was meant to answer the special one of electioneering. Its falsehood was so notorious that it produced little effect. They endeavored with as little success to conjure up the ghost of Anti-Federalism, and to have it believed that this and Republicanism were the same, and that both were Jacobinism. But those who felt themselves Republicans and Federalists too, were little moved by this artifice; so that the result of the election has been promising. The occasion of electing a Vice-President has been seized as a proper one for expressing the public sense on the doctrines of the Monocrats. There will be a strong vote against Mr. Adams, but the strength of his personal worth and his services will, I think, prevail over the demerit of his political creed."1 He wrote Dr. Gilmer, December 15th: "We have just received the glorious news of the Prussian army being obliged to retreat, and hope it will be followed by some proper catastrophe on them. This news has given wry faces to our Monocrats here, but sincere joy to the great body of the citizens. It arrived only in the afternoon of yesterday, and the bells were rung and some illuminations took place in the evening." Four days later, he wrote Mr. Mercer: "I think we may safely rely that the Duke of Brunswick has retreated, and it is certainly possible enough that between famine, disease, and a country abounding with defiles, he may suffer some considerable catastrophe. The Monocrats here still affect to disbelieve all this, while the Republicans are rejoicing and taking to themselves the name of Jacobins, which two months ago was fixed on them by way of stigma." It is time to now go back and bring down the narrative of our French relations from the point where it was left, to a period when those relations were to become a question of engrossing interest throughout the United States, and a controlling one in the direction of their foreign policy. The intelligence of the dethronement of the King of France having reached the American Government, Mr. Jefferson says a consultation was held at the President's, about the first week in November, on the expediency of suspending payments to France under the present situation. He thus mentions the heads of the arguments, and the result: 1 It would seem from this that it was not yet known definitely how the electoral vote would stand on the Vice-Presidential candidates-indeed, it appears by a letter oʻ Mr. Jefferson's, sixteen days later, that it was not then fully known. CHAP. III.] CABINET CONSULTATION THEREON. 105 "I admitted that the late constitution was dissolved by the dethronement of the King; and the management of affairs surviving to the National Assembly only, this was not an integral legislature, and, therefore, not competent to give a legitimate discharge for our payments: that I thought, consequently, that none should be made till some legitimate body came into place; and that I should consider the National Convention called, but not met as we had yet heard, to be a legitimate body. Hamilton doubted whether it would be a legitimate body, and whether, if the King should be reëstablished, he might not disallow such payments on good grounds. Knox, for once, dared to differ from Hamilton, and to express, very submissively, an opinion, that a convention named by the whole body of the nation, would be competent to do anything. It ended by agreeing, that I should write to Governeur Morris to suspend payment generally, till further orders." 1 He mentions a subsequent conversation, in which Hamilton more decidedly expressed his doubts whether the National Convention could establish any form of government, omitting the King, which the United States could safely recognize in the payment of money.' The particulars of a very important personal interview with the President, are recorded at this period, showing how utterly the latter non-concurred with the views of Hamilton and the Federalists on the proper policy to be pursued towards France: "Thursday, December the 27th, 1792.—I waited on the President on some current business. After this was over, he observed to me, that he thought it was time to endeavor to effect a stricter connection with France, and that Governeur Morris should be written to on this subject. He went into the circumstances of dissatisfaction between Spain and Great Britain, and us, and observed, there was no nation on whom we could rely, at all times, but France; and that, if we did not prepare in time some support, in the event of rupture with Spain and England, we might be charged with a criminal negligence. [I was much pleased with the tone of these observations. It was the very doctrine which had been my polar star, and I did not need the successes of the republican arms in France, lately announced to us, to bring me to these sentiments. For it is to be noted, that on Saturday last (the 22d) I received Mr. Short's letters of October the 9th and 12th, with the Leyden Gazettes to October the 13th, giving us the first news of the retreat of the Duke of Brunswick, and the capture of Spires and Worms by Custine, and that of Nice by Anselme.] I therefore expressed to the President my cordial approbation of these ideas; told him, I had meant on that day (as an opportunity of writing by the British packet would occur immediately), to take his orders for removing the suspension of payments to France, which had been imposed by my last letter to Governeur Morris, but was meant, as I supposed, only for the interval between the abolition of the late constitution by the dethronement of the King, and the meeting of some other body, invested by the will of the nation with powers to transact their affairs; that I considered the National Convention, then assembled, as such 1 Ana-note to entry, November, 1792. Jefferson's Works, vol. iv. p. 473. |