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consent. (6) Last of all, the Commons drew up the Grand Remonstrance ($ 439), enunciating at great length the grievances of the last sixteen years, and vehemently appealing to the people to support them in their attempts at reform. The Remonstrance was printed and distributed throughout England.1

About a month later (1642) the King, at the head of an armed force, undertook to seize Hampden, Pym, and three other of the most active members of the Commons on a charge of treason (§ 449). The attempt failed. Soon afterwards the Commons passed the Militia Bill, and thus took the command of the national militia and of the chief fortresses of the realm, "to hold," as they said, "for King and Parliament." The act was unconstitutional; but, after the attempted seizure of the five members, the Commons felt certain that if they left the command of the militia in the King's hands, they would simply sign their own death warrant.

In resentment of this action, Charles now (1642) began the great Civil War. It resulted in the execution of the King, and in the temporary overthrow of the monarchy, the House of Lords, and the Established Episcopal Church (§§ 450, 451). In place of the monarchy, the party in power set up a short-lived Puritan Republic. This was followed by the Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell (which claimed to be republican in spirit) and by that of his son Richard (§§ 455, 463).

20. Charles II; Abolition of Feudal Tenure; Establishment of a Standing Army. In 1660 the people, weary of the Protectorate form of government, welcomed the return of Charles II. His coming marks the restoration of the monarchy, of the House of Lords, and of the National Episcopal Church.

A great change was now effected in the source of the King's revenue. Hitherto it had sprung largely from feudal dues. These had long been difficult to collect, because the Feudal System had practically died out. The feudal land tenure with its dues was now abolished, a reform, says Blackstone, greater even than that of Magna Carta, — and in their place a tax was levied for a fixed sum (§ 482). This tax should in justice have fallen on the landowners, who profited by the change; but they managed to evade it in great measure, and by getting it levied on beer and some other liquors, they forced the working classes to shoulder the chief part of the burden, which they carried until very recently.2

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Parliament now restored the command of the militia to the King; and, for the first time in English history, it also gave him the command of a standing army of five thousand men, — thus, in one way, making him more powerful than ever before (§ 467).

On the other hand, Parliament revived the practice of limiting its appropriations of money to specific purposes. It furthermore began to

1 The press soon became, for the first time, a most active agent of political agitation, both for and against the King ($443).

3 See Militia Bill, § 19 of this Summary.

2 See § 34 of this Summary.
4 See § 13 of this Summary.

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require an exact account of how the King spent the money, a most embarrassing question for a man like Charles II to answer. Again, Parliament did not hesitate to impeach and remove the King's ministers whenever they forfeited the confidence of that body.1

The religious legislation of this period marks the strong reaction from Puritanism which had set in. (1) The Corporation Act (1661) excluded all persons who did not renounce the Puritan Covenant and partake of the Sacrament according to the Church of England, from holding municipal or other corporate offices (§ 472). (2) The Fourth Act of Uniformity (1662)2 required all clergymen to accept the Book of Common Prayer of the Church of England (§ 472). The result of this law was that no less than two thousand Puritan ministers were driven from their pulpits in a single day. (3) The Conventicle Act (§ 472) followed (1664). It forbade the preaching or hearing of Puritan doctrines, under severe penalties. (4) The Five-Mile Act (1665) (§ 472) 3 prohibited nonconforming clergymen from teaching, or from coming within five miles of any corporate town (except when traveling).

21. Charles II's Cabinet; the Secret Treaty of Dover; the Test Act; the Habeas Corpus Act; Rise of Cabinet Government. Charles II made a great and most important change with respect to the Privy Council. Instead of consulting the entire Council on matters of state, he established the custom of inviting only a few to meet with him in his cabinet, or private room. This limited body of confidential advisers was called the Cabal,” or secret council (§ 476).

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Charles's great ambition was to increase his standing army, to rule independently of Parliament, and to get an abundance of money to spend on his extravagant pleasures and vices.

In order to accomplish these three ends he made a secret and shameful treaty with Louis XIV of France, 1670 (§ 476). Louis wished to crush the Dutch Protestant Republic of Holland, to get possession of Spain, and to secure, if possible, the ascendancy of Catholicism in England as well as throughout Europe. Charles, who was destitute of any religious principle, — or, in fact, of any sense of honor, — agreed to publicly declare himself a Catholic, to favor the propagation of that faith in England, and to make war on Holland in return for very liberal grants of money, and for the loan of six thousand French troops by Louis, to help him put down any opposition in England. Two members of the "Cabal" were acquainted with the terms of this secret Treaty of Dover. Charles made a second secret treaty with Louis XIV in 1678. Charles did not dare to openly avow himself a convert- or pretended convert - to the Catholic religion; but he issued a Declaration 1 See § 13 of this Summary (Impeachment).

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2 The First and Second Acts of Uniformity date from Edward VI (1549, 1552), the Third from Elizabeth (1559) (§§ 362, 382, 472).

3 The Five-Mile Act (1665) excepted those clergymen who took the oath of nonresistance to the King, and who swore not to attempt to alter the constitution of Church or State. See Hallam's "Constitutional History of England."

of Indulgence, 1672, suspending the harsh statutes against the English Catholics ($477).

Parliament took the alarm and passed the Test Act, 1673, by which all Catholics were shut out from holding any government office or position (§ 477). This act broke up the "Cabal," by compelling a Catholic nobleman, who was one of its leading members, to resign. Later, Parliament further showed its power by compelling the King to sign the Act of Habeas Corpus, 1679 (§ 482), which put an end to his arbitrarily throwing men into prison, and keeping them there, in order to stop their free discussion of his plots against the constitution.1

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But though the " Cabal ” had been broken up, the principle of a limited private council survived, and long after the Revolution of 1688 it was revived and the Cabinet, under the lead of Sir Robert Walpole, the first Prime Minister,2 in 1721, became responsible for the policy of the sovereign. At present, if the Commons decidedly oppose that policy, the Prime Minister, with his Cabinet, either resigns, and a new Cabinet is chosen, or the Minister appeals to the people for support, and the sovereign dissolves Parliament and orders a new parliamentary election, by which the nation decides the question. This method renders the old, and never desirable, remedy of the impeachment of the ministers of the sovereign no longer necessary. The Prime Minister — who answers for the acts of the sovereign and for his policy is more directly responsible

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to the people than is the President of the United States.

22. The Pretended "Popish Plot"; Rise of the Whigs and the Tories; Revocation of Town Charters. The pretended "Popish Plot" (1678) (§ 478) to kill the King, in order to place his brother James - a Catholic convert- — on the throne, caused the rise of a strong movement (1680) to exclude James from the right of succession. The Exclusion Bill failed; but the Disabling Act was passed, 1678, excluding Catholics from sitting in either House of Parliament; but an exception was made in favor of the Duke of York (§ 478). Henceforward two prominent political parties appear in Parliament, — one, that of the Whigs or Liberals, bent on extending the power of the people; the other, that of the Tories or Conservatives, resolved to maintain the power of the Crown.

Charles II, of course, did all in his power to encourage the latter party. In order to strengthen their numbers in the Commons, he found pretexts for revoking the charters of many Whig towns (§ 479). He then issued new charters to these towns, giving the power of election to the Tories. While engaged in this congenial work the King died, and his brother James II came to the throne.

1 See Habeas Corpus Act in Constitutional Documents, p. xxxii.

2 See $27 of this Summary.

3 The real efficiency of the Cabinet system of government was not fully developed until after the Reform Act of 1832 had widely extended the right of suffrage, and thus made the government more directly responsible to the people (§ 582).

4 The right of election in many towns was then confined to the town officers or to a few influential inhabitants. This continued to be the case until the passage of the Reform Bill in 1832.

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23. James II; the Dispensing Power; Declaration of Indulgence; the Revolution of 1688. James II was a zealous Catholic, and therefore naturally desired to secure freedom of worship in England for people of his own faith. In his zeal he went too far, and the Pope expressed his disgust at the King's foolish rashness. By the exercise of the Dispensing Power 1 he suspended the Test Act and the Act of Uniformity, in order that Catholics might be relieved from the penalties imposed by these laws, and also for the purpose of giving them civil and military offices, from which the Test Act excluded them (§ 477). James also established a new High Commission Court 2 (§ 488), and made the infamous Judge Jeffreys the head of this despotic tribunal. This court had the supervision of all churches and institutions of education. Its main object was to further the spread of Catholicism, and to silence those clergymen who preached against that faith. The King appointed a Catholic president of Magdalen College, Oxford, and expelled from the college all who opposed the appointment. Later, he issued two Declarations of Indulgence, 1687, 1688, in which he proclaimed universal religious toleration (§ 488). It was generally believed that under cover of these Declarations the King intended to favor the ascendancy of Catholicism. Seven bishops, who petitioned for the privilege of declining to read the Declarations from their pulpits, were imprisoned, but on their trial were acquitted by a jury in full sympathy with them (§ 489).

These acts of the King, together with the fact that he had greatly increased the standing army, and had stationed it just outside of London, caused great alarm throughout England (§ 488). The majority of the people of both political parties (§ 489) believed that James was plotting to subvert and extirpate the Protestant religion and the laws and liberties of the kingdom."3

Still, so long as the King remained childless, the nation was encouraged by the hope that James's daughter Mary might succeed him. She was known to be a decided Protestant, and she had married William, Prince of Orange, the head of the Protestant Republic of Holland. But the birth of a son to James (1688) put an end to that hope. Immediately a number of leading Whigs and Tories (§§ 479, 490) united in sending an invitation to the Prince of Orange to come over to England with an army to protect Parliament against the King backed by his standing army.

24. William and Mary; Declaration of Right; Results of the Revolution. William came; James fled to France. A Convention Parliament drew up a Declaration of Right which declared that the King had vacated

1 This was the exercise of the right, claimed by the King as one of his prerogatives, of exempting individuals from the penalty of certain laws. The King also claimed the right of suspending entirely (as in the case of the Declaration of Indulgence) one or more statutes. Both these rights had been exercised, at times, from a very early date.

2 New High Commission Court: see § 19 of this Summary.

3 See the language of the Bill of Rights (Constitutional Documents), p. xxxi.

* Convention Parliament: it was so called because it was not regularly summoned by the King, he having fled the country.

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the throne, and the crown was therefore offered to William and Mary (§ 494). They accepted. Thus by the bloodless Revolution of 1688 the English nation transferred the sovereignty to those who had no direct legal claim to it so long as James and his son were living ( § 490). Hence by this act the people deliberately set aside hereditary succession, as a binding rule, and revived the primitive English custom of choosing such a sovereign as they deemed best. In this sense the uprising of 1688 was most emphatically a revolution (§ 491, 492). It made, as Green has said, an English monarch as much the creature of an act of Parliament as the pettiest taxgatherer in his realm (§ 497). But it was a still greater revolution in another way, since it gave a deathblow to the direct " personal monarchy,” which began with the Tudors two hundred years before. It is true that in George III's reign we shall see that power temporarily revived, but we shall never hear anything more of that Divine Right of Kings, for which one Stuart "lost his head, and another his crown." Henceforth the House of Commons will govern England, although, as we shall see, it will be nearly a hundred and fifty years before that House will be able to free itself entirely from the control of either a few powerful families on the one hand, or that of the Crown on the other.

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25. Bill of Rights; the Commons by the Revenue and the Mutiny Act obtain Complete Control over the Purse and the Sword. In order to make the constitutional rights of the people unmistakably clear, the Bill of Rights, 1689, — an expansion of the Declaration of Right — was drawn up (§ 497). The Bill of Rights 1 declared: (1) That there should be no suspension or change in the laws, and no taxation except by act of Parliament. (2) That there should be freedom of election to Parliament and freedom of speech in Parliament (both rights that the Stuarts had attempted to control). (3) That the sovereign should not keep a standing army, in time of peace, except by consent of Parliament. (4) That in future no Roman Catholic should sit on the English throne. This last clause was reaffirmed by the Act of Settlement, 1701 (§ 497).2

This most important bill, having received the signature of William and Mary, became law. It constitutes the third great written charter or safeguard of English liberty. Taken in connection with Magna Carta and the Petition of Right, it forms, according to Lord Chatham, the Bible of English liberty (§ 497).

But Parliament had not yet finished the work of reform it had taken in hand. The executive strength of every government depends on its control of two powers, the purse and the sword. Parliament had, as we have seen, got a tight grasp on the first, for the Commons, and the Commons alone, could levy taxes; but within certain very wide limits the personal expenditure of the sovereign still practically remained unchecked. Parliament now, 1689, took the decisive step of voting by the Revenue Act (1) a specific sum for the maintenance of the Crown; and (2) of voting 1 Bill of Rights: see Constitutional Documents, p. xxxi.

2 See, too, Constitutional Documents, p. xxxii.

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