attention at last was being given to the anomalous condition existing. In 1562, accordingly, the Inquisition of Valencia commenced to act in Teruel, where the town of Xea had the reputation of being an asylum of malefactors; it was exclusively Morisco and no Christian was allowed to reside there. Finally all restrictions were removed and, in 1563, the Inquisition was vigorously at work with sixty-two cases. It held two autos de fe in that year in which appeared nine culprits from Xea."

In 1564, after the customary discussion by a junta, Philip II. essayed a tolerably comprehensive plan of conciliation in which the Inquisition was instructed to use its powers with the utmost moderation, except in the case of alfaqufes, dogmatizers (those who taught and preached heresy), midwives (who were asserted to shield infants from baptism and to circumcise the males) and those who profane the sacraments, all of whom were to be prosecuted with the utmost rigor. The instructions issued in pursuance of this by the Suprema to the Inquisition of Valencia, while not directly contravening it, allowed a latitude of which the tribunal could avail itself to frustrate the project of conciliation, and its activity during the following years would seem to show that it felt itself under no restrictions.3

1 Danvila, p. 164. Teruel and Albarracin, although a province of Aragon were under the jurisdiction of the Inquisition of Valencia.

2 Archivo Hist. Nacional, Inqn de Valencia, Leg. 98.—Danvila, p. 167. 3 Archivo Hist. Nacional, Inqn de Valencia, Leg. 2, MS. 16, fol. 187; Leg. 98. The number of cases in Valencia were

That the instructions with regard to the alfaquies were observed would appear from the fact that in 1568 there were nine of them penanced.—Danvila, p. 178.

During this period the Inquisition by no means neglected the converted Mudejares of Castile. I have the records of a number of trials between 1540 and 1550 of Moriscos of Daimiel, a town within the district of the Inquisition of Toledo, which represent what was going on with more or less frequency throughout the land. The Moors of Daimiel had been baptized in 1502 under the edict of Isabella—Mayor Garcia testified, in 1550, that she was 55 or 56 years old and that she was baptized in the general conversion of the Moors of Daimiel when she was 7 or 8 years old.1 Apparently they had been overlooked by the Inquisition until Juan Yanes, Inquisitor of Toledo and subsequently Bishop of Calahorra, came there in his visitation of 1538 and Catalina, wife of Pedro de Banos spontaneously testified that some thirteen years before she had lived with the Moriscos for about twelve years and saw that they did not eat pork or drink wine on the plea that these things did not agree with them. Long immunity had rendered them somewhat careless as to Catholic observances; Yanes says that, prior to his visitation of 1538, they never went to mass, but they had learned enough of the externals of religion to maintain an outward appearance of orthodoxy —indeed it was believed among them that a decree of the emperor and inquisitor-general had exempted them from the jurisdiction of the Inquisition, and that this exemption had been purchased by a general assessment laid upon those of Daimiel or of the province of Calatrava. Possibly some knavish official may have speculated upon them, for Mari Gomez, when on trial, said that formerly

1 Proceso de Mayor Garcia, fol. iv. (MS. penes me).

there had been a penalty imposed on those who avoided pork and wine, but that this had ceased to be collected and they had all given up consuming those articles.1 Yañes returned to Daimiel, in 1543, and gathered further abundant testimony and the trials dragged on for a considerable period. The number of the accused was large, for a single clamosa, or denunciation by the fiscal, includes the names of ten defendants, although in general practice a separate clamosa is required for each one, and the number of prisoners must have exceeded the capacity of the carceles secretas for, in 1541, we happen to hear of nine women confined in one cell and further that the great hall of the Inquisition was being used as a prison.2 Vigorous as were these raids they did not root out apostasy in Daimiel, for in 1597 we find the Inquisition of Toledo busy with sundry delinquents from there.3

A series of reports, nearly complete, of the Inquisition of Toledo to the Suprema, from 1575 to 1610, affords us an insight into the relations of the Holy Office with the Moriscos, its influence on their daily lives and its inevitable result of perpetuating and intensifying their hatred of the religion of which it was the exponent. We find in it 190 cases of Moriscos as against 174 of Judaizers and 47 of Protestants, showing that, in so far as heresy was concerned, the Moriscos afforded the largest amount of business for the tribunal. In these thirty-five years there were only eleven Moriscos relaxed—the euphemistic synonym for burning—being those who either persistently

1 Proceso de Mari Naranja, fol. 2; Proceso de Mari Gomez, fol. viii., ix. (MS. penes me).

2 Proceso de Maria Paredes, fol. i., xxiii. (MS. penes me). MSS, of Library of University of Halle, Yc. 20, Tom. I.

affirmed their faith or persistently denied the accusation in the face of what was considered sufficient evidence, for this was regarded by the Inquisition as a proof of impenitent guilt. For the most part the tribunal succeeded in obtaining confession with show of repentance entitling the accused to reconciliation or some milder infliction. But perhaps the most instructive feature of the record is the number of trivial cases which reveal how jealously the Moriscos were watched by their Christian neighbors, eager to denounce them on the slightest suspicion, and how easy it was to provoke them in an altercation to some careless word which would justify seizing them and throwing them in gaol until the Inquisition could be notified to send and fetch them. The Morisco thus lived in a perpetual atmosphere of anxiety, never knowing at what moment he might be put on trial for his life. In 1575 Garci Rodriguez is tried on an accusation of saying that in the war of Granada a certain captain had been saved by a soldier and not by invoking God and the Virgin, and he escapes with abjuration dc levi in a penitential habit. Diego Herrez, when a man called Mahomet a knave, had the imprudence to say "What is Mahomet to you?" and was sentenced to abjure de levi, to receive a hundred lashes and four months' instruction from his parish priest. In 1579 Gabriel de Carmona, a youth of 17, travelling with four other Moriscos, was accused by three chance road companions of singing the Zambra antigua—a song customary at Moorish weddings. The secular officials of Orgaz promptly threw all five in gaol and handed them over to the Inquisition. which duly tried them. Gabriel denied the charge and that he even knew the zambra and when the witnesses came to ratify their testimony it appeared that none of

them knew Arabic, or what the zambra was, or what Gabriel had been singing. They were all acquitted but there could be no compensation for their suffering and the interference with their affairs. Isabel, a Morisca girl aged 20, was accused by her mistress and daughter and another witness, of having in a quarrel sent all Christians to the devil and spoken of her having a different law from theirs. On trial she admitted certain imprudent utterances when her mistress called her a bitch and a hound, but she disabled their testimony by proving enmity and when the inquisitors differed as to the sentence the Suprema ordered the case dismissed. In 1584 Alonso de la Guarda was accused by his wife of denying the virginity of the Virgin and she arranged with the commissioner of the Inquisition that he and three other witnesses should be concealed while she led her husband on to talk; unluckily for the plot he answered her questions in Arabic so that they did not understand what he said, but he was arrested, sent to Toledo and tried. In his defence he proved that his wife was too intimate with one of the witnesses; she and the latter were examined, but the truth could not be ascertained, the evidence was not considered sufficient to justify torture and the case was dismissed. Less fortunate was Alonso de Soria who, becoming irritated in a discussion on being told that the Moriscos never confessed fully, exclaimed that confession was nothing the real confession was in heaven. Fearing that he would be denounced for this he went voluntarily to the Inquisition and denounced himself. The witnesses summoned confirmed his story, but the inquisitors were not satisfied and tortured him to see whether they could find out something more, but without success, so he was let off with abjuration de levi, hearing mass as a peni