enslaved, fifty captives should be given to him without ransom, he should be empowered to name six persons who might bear arms like Old Christians and should have pardon for certain murders and robberies of which he stood charged before the rebellion.' Gonzalo's conference with Barredo had not escaped observation. Abenabo went at night to his cave and taxed him with it. Gonzalo showed him the letter; they quarrelled and Gonzalo and his followers despatched him, throwing his body down the rocks that the rest might see that they had no king. Nearly all took advantage of the letter of pardon and went in with him. They were marched in procession through the streets of Granada with Abenabo's body clothed and mounted on a horse as though alive. The arquebusiers fired a salute, responded to by the guns of the Alhambra, as the procession moved to the Audiencia, where it was received by the Duke of Arcos, Deza and a crowd of gentlemen. Gonzalo kissed the hands of Arcos and Deza and handed them the matchlock and scimitar of Abenabo, saying that, like a good shepherd, if he could not bring the sheep to his master he at least brought the pelt. The corpse was drawn and quartered and the head, in an iron cage over the arch of the Puerta del Rastro, for years looked out on the Alpujarras. The lately disturbed districts were industriously traversed by small companies of soldiers who were paid twenty ducats a head for all the strag 1 Cartulario de Alonso del Castillo, pp. 35-9, 154 (Memorial Historico Espanol, T. III.). Castillo wrote a similar letter to another Morisco leader named Andres el Rindati, but he made use of it to escape to Barbary with a number of companions.—Ibid. glers they could bring to Deza; he examined them and sent them to the galleys, except the more prominent among them who were torn with hot pincers and hanged.' Thus ended a war, brought on by unreasoning fanaticism, which through blundering incapacity was reckoned to have cost sixty thousand Spanish lives and three million ducats and left a flourishing kingdom depopulated. That Leonardo Donate, the Venetian envoy, pronounces the depopulation a measure of great wisdom only emphasizes the wrongheadedness which rendered it the wisest alternative. He points out that if the Turk, in place of turning his arms against Venice, had sent effective succor to the rebels he would have kindled a flame almost impossible to extinguish, and had the revolt extended to Murcia, Valencia, Catalonia and Aragon, Spanish statesmen expected the Huguenots of France to pour over the Pyrenees. It is characteristic that Deza, who was the malignant spirit of the whole, was left triumphant in Granada as captain-general, that through Philip's favor he rose to the cardinalate and long flourished in Rome as a wealthy prince of the Church.3 No time was lost in seeking to repopulate the desert 1 Marmol Carvajal, p. 363.-Mendoza, p. 121. 2 Relazioni Venete, Serie I. Tom. VI. p. 408.-Ximenez, Vida de Ribera, p. 375. At Philip's request he was created Cardinal priest of S. Prisca, in 1578, by Gregory XIII. He went to Rome in 1580 where in time he became Cardinal bishop of Albano and died, in 1600, full of years and honors. He built a splendid palace which after his death passed into the hands of Cardinal Borghese, subsequently Paul V.—Ciaconii Hist. Pontiff. Roman. et Cardinalium, IV. 60 (Ed. 1676). Padre Bleda (Crónica, pp. 658, 963) mentions his having an audience with Deza on his visit to Rome in 1591. which had been created. February 24, 1571, Mondejar was directed to return to Granada to superintend the process under an edict which gave to new settlers the houses and properties of the exiles, but he did not remain long. A subsequent edict of September 27, 1571, offered to give to immigrants vacated houses subject to a nominal ground-rent of a real per annum; the lands, in addition to the old tithes, were to pay another to the king in kind, while mulberry and olive plantations were to pay him a fifth of the produce for ten years from January, 1572, and a third thereafter. All this shows that the landed property of the exiles was held to be confiscated to the crown, in the realengos or districts subject to the royal jurisdiction, and that in inviting settlers the interests of the revenue were not disregarded. The process of recuperation was very slow. A series of elaborate regulations, issued August 31, 1574, seems to assume that little progress had as yet been made. Commissioners of population were provided for the several districts and the object apparently was to get persons with some capital to take up larger tracts and divide them by lot in equal holdings between actual settlers. The provisions respecting oil and grain mills, dilapidated houses, rights to water from irrigating canals, common pasturage for villages, public ovens, the rights of churches and Old Christians, and the settlement of disputes show how intricate and difficult was the task of rebuilding a civilization so ruthlessly destroyed. In the lands of the feudal nobles the property was held to revert to the lords who were ordered to distribute it in equal lots to settlers and not to exact greater imposts than had been paid by the Moriscos. It is probable that a goodly portion of the confiscated lands was frittered away in satisfying claims for damages suffered during the war, for this was the mode adopted to meet them as least burdensome to the royal treasury.1 As for the young children who had been captured during the war, a provision issued in 1572 declared that they should not be enslaved but be distributed among Old Christians to be well brought up and to serve for their food and clothing up to the age of 20.2 Thus slowly and painfully the effort was made to repair the havoc and desolation which could so easily have been avoided. Leonardo Donato, The fate of the exiles was hard. tells us, as an eyewitness, that many perished through miseries and afflictions, which can readily be believed.3 They were scattered throughout Spain to the borders of Portugal, their distribution being in charge of a temporary Consejo de Poblaciones. That they were not regarded as welcome guests is visible in the complaints of Cordova, in 1572, as to their harboring their enslaved countrymen, committing crimes and purchasing, for eight or ten ducats, licences to bear arms and move around in contravention of the laws. After due deliberation, an elaborate edict of October 6, 1572, in twenty-three sections, prescribed the regulations under which they were permitted to exist. 4 1 Historia de la Casa de Mondéjar (Morel-Fatio, p. 95).—Janer, pp. 246, 258-66.-Distribucion de los Memoriales (Morel-Fatio, p. 213). The Venetian envoy Donato, in his relation of 1573, says that Philip was deriving a revenue of 125,000 crowns from the lands of the Moriscos of Granada which had passed into his hands.-Relazioni Venete, Serie I. Tom. VI. p. 378. 2 Nueva Recop. Lib. VIII. Tit. ii. ley 22 14. They were to be kept under perpetual surveillance. Every individual was to be registered in his place of domicile, and lists of them were to be made out in duplicate to be preserved by the proper officials, in which lists all births and deaths were to be entered as they occurred. In each chief town a superintendent of Moriscos was appointed who was required to visit them every fortnight; in each parish a jurado had the same functions who, with the priest, was to visit them every week, in addition to which the justicia of the district was to visit them monthly, all this, it is said, not only to keep watch over them but to make sure that they were supported, special care being exercised to help the poor and to cure the sick, while the magistrates were ordered to see that they had work, each in his own line of industry. No one was permitted to change his residence without a special royal licence, application for which must specify all the reasons therefor, nor was any one even to pass a night away from his domicile without a licence from the justicia of the place containing a description of his person, his destination and the duration of his absence; such licences were not to be charged for and were to be freely given to all not suspected of wishing to return to Granada or to go beyond seas, but if necessary, security might be demanded. Access to Granada was sternly prohibited; any Morisco found within ten leagues of the Granada border was to suffer death, if a male over the age of 16; between that and ten and a half, and all females over nine and a half were to be enslaved, while younger children were to be given to Old Christians to be brought up until they reached the age of twenty. If found within ten leagues of Valencia, Aragon or Navarre the penalties were the |