de Sautander, the juez de comission, as an escheat to the king. The argument for the plaintiff sets forth that he is descended from the noble Moors of the five cities of the Campo de Calatrava, who voluntarily embraced Christianity and who were granted by the king all the rights and privileges of Old Christians. His father, Juan Herrador, had been alcalde and regidor; the family had appealed against being included in the edict of expulsion, but the case had been delayed in consequence of their documents being in the hands of a certain Dona Leonora Maurique, who profited by their misfortune and received the price of the property sold. They made good their claims of exemption finally, but it was not until 1627 that they obtained a reversal of judgment in the Royal Council, which reinstated them in their rights, and since then Padre Herrador had been seeking to obtain restitution of the property of his father which had been wrongfully sold.1 Here was a family which for hundreds of years had been undoubted Christians, holding positions in the Church and magistracy, yet obliged to struggle as though for life against peremptory exile and confiscation, nor is it likely that among the hundreds or thousands of similar cases, embraced in the orders to disregard all attempts to prove Christianity, there were many so fortunate as it was to escape the proscription.

The Inquisition also was a sufferer from the expulsion which it had done so much to necessitate. In Valencia it lost the 2500 annual ducats which replaced the confiscations, and also the fines and penances which it levied so liberally. In Aragon and Catalonia it lost the confis

1 MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S. 130.

cations, and in all three kingdoms the censos in which its capital had been invested. In Valencia alone these losses amounted to 17,679 libras of revenue. The Inquisition habitually pleaded poverty, and, whatever its revenues were, it was always grasping for more, and now it had substantial reasons for seeking a share in the general plunder. As early as November, 1610, it was reported that the king had granted to the Inquisition all the lands that had fallen in to the crown in Valencia and Aragon, subject to the liens and censos on them.1 If this was proposed the Inquisition probably hesitated to make so dubious a bargain, for, as we have seen, the royal lands were sold. It had presented consultas to the king, June 22d and July 27, 1610, representing the poverty to which the tribunal of Saragossa was reduced by the expulsion, and this was partly met, in 1614, by the donation alluded to above, from the sales of the escheated lands, of 49,188 libras, which, invested in censos at five per cent., brought in a revenue of 24,524 reales. The tribunal of Valencia. continued to suffer, and, in 1612, those of Granada and Seville were ordered to lend it a thousand ducats each to pay its salaries, while in 1614 Philip procured from Paul V. a brief, authorizing the diversion to it of 650 crowns of revenue from the foundations of the Morisco colleges, 2500 crowns having already been given to it from them. Then, in 1615, on the occasion of a royal visit to Valencia, an effort was made to get from the king for it a portion of the lands which had reverted to the crown, but with what success does not appear. Whether successful or not, its poverty was not relieved, for in 1617 it had not

1 Cabrera, Relaciones, p. 423,

money for the salaries, and its receiver of confiscations was ordered to distribute ratably among the officials his collections as fast as they were made; there was probably some attempt on foot to relieve its chronic distress, for in 1618 we find the Suprema ordering it to submit a detailed statement of all its property and sources of income and also of its expenses. January 30, 1617, the Suprema again appealed to the king in favor of the Inquisition of Saragossa, and in 1619 it represented to him that the tribunals had been reduced to such extreme poverty by the expulsion that he must either suppress some of them or make good the deficit out of his own purse. This appears to have failed of its object, for on May 30, 1620, there is another appeal for Saragossa; it had suffered a reduction of 19,000 reales of revenue and was unable to pay the salaries of its officials.1

A burdensome legacy left by the Moriscos, which created great excitement at the time, was the large amount of counterfeit coinage which they succeeded in issuing, and which, as we have seen, found eager purchasers at four or five to one in silver or gold. These deposited it in the bank of Valencia, which paid it out as good money. Then there came a proclamation forbidding its circulation, and the confusion was inextricable, as there was no other currency, leading to frequent quarrels and murders in the daily petty transactions for bread and meat. There were

1 Danvila, p. 331.-Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 19, fol. 100; Libro 30, fol. 31; Libro 940, fol. 44.-Archivo Hist. Nacional, Inqn de Valencia, leg. 6, No. 2, fol. 28, 58, 81, 140.-Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro-, fol. 434.-Biblioteca Nacional, Seccion de MSS. X 157, fol. 244.

threats of a popular rising, and another proclamation appeared permitting the circulation of all coins bearing a stamp and discriminating only against those which were merely nail-heads or pieces of tin or lead. Other proclamations followed, for the country was full of coiners, taught by the Moriscos, who sold them stamps and instructed them in the art. In the frightful condition of the Spanish currency, consisting almost wholly, for daily transactions, in the debased and worn vellon coinage, the business was easy and profitable, and the Christians followed it eagerly, choking up the channels of trade, until the city felt obliged to redeem all the spurious money. The guards at the gates searched all who entered and registered all the counterfeits found on them, which were redeemed at a specified place, and in a few days there was accumulated in the sacristy of the cathedral, where it was stored, more than 300,000 ducats of it. In all, the redemption cost the city 401,500 gold crowns. This was but a temporary relief, for fresh issues kept pouring forth, and though the coiners were prosecuted they laughed at the punishment, which was only a fine of 300 ducats, so that all they could make over this was pure gain. This was represented to the king, who promptly made it a capital offence, and there were so many convictions that scarce a week passed without two or three executions. In the single district of Murviedro over a hundred and fifty persons, some of them high in station, were arrested or fled, and in the little town of Torrente twenty persons were implicated, and so it was everywhere, and above all in the city. May 8, 1610, a gentleman from Murviedro was beheaded, and on the 10th the fiscal, or prosecuting officer, denounced a company of forty-six persons who

carried on the manufacture as an established business, employing workmen at regular wages. Quite a number of familiars of the Inquisition were detected by the civil authorities in the work. They were, as usual, claimed by it as subject to its exclusive jurisdiction, and consequently escaped the death penalty. In fact Salvador Mir, one of them, tried in 1614, had already, ten years earlier, been punished by the Inquisition for the same offence, but it had not removed him from office; on the contrary, it had appointed his son, Joseph Mir, also a familiar, and both of them were sentenced as accomplices in 1614. Barcelona suffered as much as, if not more than, Valencia, though we have not the details, and the trouble long continued, for as the State was the chief counterfeiter, the temptation to imitate its example was irresistible. 1614 some attention was excited by the arrest for this crime of Don Garcia de Alarcon, of Granada, the son of a rich and prominent father; he confessed and his tools were found, and as his indiscretion was coupled with sorcery it was expected that he would be burnt.1

In

The diminished incomes of churches and lauded proprietors were only a symptom of the permanent injury to the agriculture and productive industry of Spain, resulting from the exile of so large a body of its most efficient workers. It was a notorious fact that the Christian population had a settled aversion to labor, which was contemptuously regarded as dishonoring. This is repeatedly dwelt upon by the Venitian envoys in the sixteenth cen

1 Fonseca, pp. 256-60.-Bleda Defensio Fidei, p. 505; Crónica, p. 923.-Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 601-607.— Cabrera, Relaciones, p. 549.