Master and Chapter would grant them in perpetuity certain properties of the Order. Their terms were accepted; the lands were made over with solemn legal assurances that they would never be reclaimed, in spite of which complaint was made to Pope Boniface VIII., who promptly ordered the Archbishop of Toledo to compel restitution under ecclesiastical censures.1

The Church, in fact, had long regarded with disfavor the careless indifference which led Alfonso VI. to style himself imperador de los dos cultos 2—which was satisfied to allow subject Moors to enjoy their religion in peace. When, in 1212, Alfonso IX., at the head of a crusade, won the great victory of Las Navas de Tolosa and advanced to Ubeda, where 70,000 Moors had taken refuge, they offered to become Mudejares and to pay him a ransom of a million doblas. He accepted the terms but the clerical chiefs of the crusade, Rodrigo of Toledo and Arnaud of Narboune, forced him to withdraw his assent, with the result that, after some further negotiation, the Moors were all massacred except such as were reserved as slaves. In a similar spirit Innocent IV., in 1248, ordered Jayme I. of Aragon to permit no Moors, save as slaves, to reside in the Balearic Isles which he had conquered in 1229. It is not likely that he paid any attention to this command, for when, in 1238, he added Valencia to his dominions he allowed the Moors to remain as Mudejares. In 1266 Clement IV. returned to the charge in a brief urging upon him the expulsion of all

'Digard, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 3334.

2 Fernandez y Gonzales, Mudéjares de Castilla, p. 39.

3 Mondéjar, Memorias de Alonso VIII, Cap. cv., cviii.—Roderici Toletani de Rebus Hispanicis Lib. VIII. cap. xii.

Villanueva, Viage Literario, XXI. 131.

Saracens from the kingdoms of the crown of Aragon. The pope told him that his reputation would suffer greatly if in view of temporal profit he should longer permit such opprobrium of God, such infection of Christendom as is caused by the horrible cohabitation of Moors and Christians, while by expelling them he would fulfil his vow to God, close the mouths of his detractors and show his zeal for the faith. It was probably in return for a tithe of the ecclesiastical revenues that Jayme had pledged himself to the pope to expel the Moors, but he was too worldly wise to do so and as late as 1275 he invited additional Moorish settlers by the promise of a year's exemption from taxation. In 1276, however, on his death-bed, in consequence partly of a dangerous Moorish revolt and partly of the awakened fears shown by his taking the Cistercian habit, he enjoined his son Pedro to fulfil the promise and in a codicil to his will he emphatically repeated the injunction, but Pedro, like his father, was too sagacious to obey.1

In fact, obedience to the commands of the Church involved consequences to the welfare of the State which no ruler could contemplate without dismay. Except for military purposes the Mudejares formed the most valuable portion of the population, and even in war their services were relied upon, for we find Pedro, when gathering his forces to resist the invasion of Philippe le Hardi, in 1283, summoning his faithful Moors of Valencia to

1 Ripoll Bullarii Ord. FF. Prædicator. I 479.-Danvila y Collado, La Expulsion de los Moriscos, p. 24.-Swift, James the First of Aragon, pp. 140, 253, 290.-King Jayme is said to have made a vow, when about to undertake the conquest of Valencia, not to permit any Moors to remain in the land.

swell his ranks and in 1385, when levies were made in Murcia for the war with Portugal each aljama, or Moorish organization, had its allotted quota.1 It was on their industry moreover that the prosperity of the land reposed. None of the resources of the State were more relied upon than the revenues which they furnished and assignments on these were in request as the safest security for appanages and dowers and for the income of prelates and religious corporations. They were virtually indispensable to the nobles on whose lands they were settled, for they were most skilful in agriculture and unwearied in labor. They carried these characteristics into every department of industry, science and art. As physicians they ranked with the Jews, and when, in 1345, the Prior of the Order of Santiago built the church of Nuestra Senora de Ucles, we are told that he assembled "Moorish masters" and good Christian stone masons who erected the structure.3 They were equally skilled in marine architecture and the Catalan power in the Mediterranean was largely due to their labors. The wonderful system of irrigation by which they converted Valencia into the garden of Europe still exists, with its elaborate and equitable allotments of the waters. They introduced the culture of sugar, silk, cotton, rice and many other valuable products and not a spot of available ground was left untilled by their indefatigable industry. The Mahometan law which prescribed labor as a religious duty was fully obeyed and every member of a family contributed his

1 Fernandez y Gonzalez, pp. 221, 286.-Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VI. 157, 196.

2 Ibid. VIII. 53.-Memorial Histórico Español, I. 239, 263; III. 439. 3 Fernandez y Gonzalez, pp. 382, 386.

share of work to the common support. In all the mechanic arts they were unexcelled. The potteries of Malaga, the cloths of Murcia, the silks of Almeria and Granada, the leather hangings of Cordova, the weapons of Toledo were renowned everywhere and furnished the materials for profitable foreign commerce, which was stimulated by the universal reputation of their merchants for probity and strict fidelity to their engagements, so that it passed into a proverb that the word of a Granadan and the faith of a Castilian would make an Old Christian, or, as Hernando de Talavera, the saintly Archbishop of Granada used to say "They ought to adopt our faith and we ought to adopt their morals." They were temperate and frugal; they married early, the girls at eleven and the boys at twelve, without fear of the future, for a bed and ten libras or ducats were considered sufficient dowry. There were no beggars among them, for they took affectionate care of their own poor and orphans; they settled all quarrels between themselves and held it to be unlawful to prosecute each other before a Christian tribunal.1 In short, they constituted the most desirable population that any land could possess, and we shall have occasion to note hereafter the curious perversity with which these good qualities were converted into accusations against them by their Christian persecutors.

It is easy for us now to see what might have been the prosperity of Spain had a population thus gifted been gradually interfused with their vigorous conquerors, to

1 Janer, Condicion social de los Coriscos, VI. 47-57, 161.-Fonseca, Giusto Scacciamento de' Moreschi, pp. 87, 89 (Roma, 1611).-Pedraza, Historia eclesiastica de Granada, fol. 187 (Granada, 1638).

whose religion they would have been won over in time through friendly intercourse. To the conscientious medieval churchman, however, any friendship with the infidel was the denial of Christ; the infidel was not to be forcibly converted, but it was a duty to lay upon him such burdens that he would himself seek relief in conversion. Accordingly the toleration and conciliation, which were the basis of the Spanish policy, were vigorously opposed in Rome, where the effort was to keep the races as far apart as possible, through the somewhat humiliating fear that Christianity would lose more than it could gain in the intercourse between them. Even the freedom of ordinary commercial dealings, permitted by the Spanish laws, was discouraged and in 1250 the Order of Santiago felt it necessary to represent to Innocent IV. that it held numerous Moorish vassals, wherefore it asked for licence to buy and sell with them, which he granted accordingly.1 Another device to keep the races separate, on which the Church persistently insisted, was prescribed by the Lateran council of 1216—that all Jews and Saracens should wear a distinctive garment or badge. This was not only humiliating but dangerous, as it exposed the wearer to insult and maltreatment, especially in the case of travellers, such as muleteers and merchants, on the notoriously insecure highways. A long struggle ensued between the Church and the Spanish monarchs over the enforcement of this canon. At length in Aragon an attempt in that direction was made, in 1300, by an ordinance requiring the Mudejares to have the hair cut in a peculiar fashion, and in Castile, at the request of the cortes of Toro in 1371, Henry II. ordered all Jews and Moors to wear a

1 Fernandez y Gonzalez, pp. 294, 321, 367.