is true it is generally admitted that a fair rent should be paid for the land. The fee-simple is rarely claimed. But, subject to this rentthe principle of fixing which has always been undefined—it is steadily maintained that the occupier has as good a right to the land as the proprietor, and that an ejectment for any other cause than non-payment of rent would be a deep injustice.

No thoughtful man could have watched this peculiarity in the sentiments of the Irish tenant, or marked how deeply into his heart these principles had penetrated, without making some effort to ascertain the source from which they spring. Many no doubt are content to take things as they appear to them upon the surface, and to say-I have bought this land and paid for it, or I have inherited it, and surely it is mine; what right or claim can any man have upon it except what I have? Others are ready to set down the Irish as the most ferocious people on the earth, ready to settle any dispute by the blunderbuss, and to murder all landlords, agents, bailiffs, or stewards with

out other cause or reason than to satisfy their passion for blood.

Nothing can be more erroneous than both the foregoing views.

All those who have honestly studied the national character will agree that the Irish are naturally a kind-hearted and affectionate race— cheerful, generous, and obliging; and as far as they are taught, religious. The hospitality of the Irish peasant is proverbial, and it extends to the lowest grades. How then shall we account for this strange anomaly, this wonderful contradiction in the national character-that the kind-hearted, affectionate, generous, and hospitable Irishman should so frequently imbrue his hands in blood; that agrarian murders should be so common as to become a national reproach, and that the sympathies of so large a proportion of the population should be engaged on the side of the murderer rather than on the side of his victim?

To understand or explain this strange anomaly we must dig deep into the wells of Irish history. There we find the source whence

these bitter waters flow. We shall find no justification or palliation for these crimes. But it is of much importance to reach the springs from which they bubble to the surface. Some man may yet arise with a cruse like that of the prophet Elisha in his hand, and cast in the salt which will heal these waters of death.

In the tale now presented to the public I have endeavoured to elucidate the wild feelings of the people of the west, and the wilder deeds of Tipperary. I have lived many years in each. The duties of my profession have led me to converse much with every grade of society. I have talked over these matters with the priesthood. I have discussed them with highly educated repealers. And I have had daily intercourse concerning the land in all its phases with the wealthy farmer, as well as with the poorer and lower classes of the people. And from one and all-the higher bearing history in memory, and the lower acting on it by tradition -only one feeling has prevailed whenever they could be induced to express their sentiments with freedom-that the land of Ireland belonged

to the people, and that somehow or other they would yet get it back again, whether by fighting, by repeal, or by revolution.1

Some people may be of opinion that these convictions had better be concealed; that it is injudicious to drag them into the light. But I think those who feel so must necessarily be ignorant of the popular literature of the present day in Ireland. They can scarcely be aware of the thousands of publications which issue weekly from a prolific press in this country, and are sown broadcast over the land. At every whisky-shop, every forge, every funeral, and every gathering are circulated descriptions

1 The recent election, by a large majority, of Mr. John Martin of Kilbroney, a distinguished exile of '48, as representative in the Imperial Parliament of the county of Meath (one of the richest and most important counties in Ireland), simply because he was considered as an honest and uncompromising repealer, and opposed to all English power in Ireland, cannot be looked upon otherwise than as a very significant proof of public opinion in this country.

Mr. Martin, who is a Protestant, was opposed by the son of Lord Fingal, a Roman Catholic peer of large territorial influence, and highly respected in the county, and also by almost the whole body of the priesthood. But the repealers won the day.

of the wrongs of Ireland—generally in the most untruthful and exaggerated forms-and of the injuries she has sustained from England. The people are thus roughly educated. There are plenty of readers amongst them, and an eager circle listening with avidity to these stories, as read aloud by the lurid light of the forge fire, or the flickering flame of the bogwood torch, would make a fine study for a Rembrandt.

Is it wise then to shut our eyes to facts and feelings which pervade so vast a proportion of the people? We might indeed ignore these things had Ireland forgotten her wrongs, and were Ireland satisfied and tranquil. But Ireland has not forgotten them, and Ireland is not tranquil. Ireland is still dissatisfied. And therefore it behoves those whose time is passed among the people, whose lives are, as it were, in their hands, and daily endangered by the present position of affairs,1 to lay bare what

There have been three barbarous agrarian murders perpetrated within the last few weeks. Two in Tipperary, and one in the King's County. All gentlemen's stewards.