Not to multiply examples, the use of this verb in a sense which, whatever its original meaning, has become almost equivalent to that of "being," is well established in the Jaina Prakrit and in Hâla. The apheresis of an initial consonant is rare. In scenic Prakrit it is confined almost entirely to the root (jâna), as in âņâsi = jânâsi, âṇabedi = âjnâpayati, etc. Also in uno punaḥ, and a few other words. = But I would suggest that this word may after all be nothing more than a form of Skr. √ aksh, "to appear." This root seems to have borne in Skr. rather the meaning of "to reach, pervade" (see Williams's Dict. s.v.), but if we are to connect with it "eye," as seems probable, the meaning of "to see," or "to appear," would be natural to it. It will be shown presently that the various languages have forms ending in,, and, and all these three forms phonetically point to an earlier.' Leaving Prakrit scholars to decide whence comes this stem or (Weber writes it in both ways), we may, I think, start from the fact that there is such a stem in Prakrit, and we have the opinion of a high authority for disputing its connection with. Indeed, as has already been shown, H so regularly passes into in the moderns, that it is difficult to conceive by what process it could ever have become. I अह् 1 Hemachandra's evidence seems conclusive against any connection between ach and gam, for he has a sûtra to the effect that words of the class gam take the termination cha; the list consists of the four words gacchaï (gam), icchaï (ish), jacchaï (yam), and acchaï (?).—Pischel, Hem., iv. 215. If acchaï were only gacchaï, with loss of the initial consonant, it would hardly be given as a separate instance of the rule. In another passage occurs a use of this word exactly similar to that from Hala quoted above jâmahim visamî kajjagaï jîvaham majjhe ei tâmahim acchau iaru jaņu suaņu vi antarudei, "As long as [your] circumstances in life go badly (literally' as long as a difficult condition of affairs goes in life'), so long, let alone (acchaü) the base man, even the good man keeps aloof (literally 'gives an interval')," "Tempora si fuerint nubila, solus eris." Kajjagaï = kâryagati, iaru = itara. have preferred to treat it as a separate stem altogether, and I think this treatment will be found to be to a very great extent justified by the examples from the modern languages which I shall now adduce. § 64. Classical Hindi, Panjabi, and Sindhi, do not retain any traces of this root. M. has, however, a complete verb, which we should refer, I think, to this root, resting on the well-known peculiarity of M., by which it changes, especially when derived from an earlier, into ♬ (Vol. I. p. 218). The Sanskrit as having in M. become âhe, an affiliation concerning which there can be no doubt, we are driven to seek for a different origin for M. ase, and we find it appropriately and in full accordance with known phonetic processes in अच्छ. M. has the following tenses : 1. Aorist Sing. 1. असें, 2. असस, 3. असे, Pl. 1. असूं, 2. असां, 3. असत, where the terminations exactly correspond with those of the aorist in the ordinary verb. 4. Present formed with present participle and Sanskrit substantive verb 5. Conditional similarly formed. Sing. 3 masc., etc., as in the ordinary verb. 6. Preterite formed with p.p.p. similar to conditional. Sing. 3 masc. असला, etc. 7. Subjunctive formed with future p.p. Sing. 3 masc. असावा, etc. Oriya comes next, with an aorist of old simple present only, which is thus conjugated— There being no formation from as in O., this tense does duty for the simple "I am, thou art," etc. With lengthening of the first vowel, in accordance with its usual practice, Bengali has a present, and an imperfect; but in modern times the initial long vowel of the latter has been entirely dropped, so that we now have Present Sing. 1. f, 2. आछिस, 3. “I am,” etc. 2. आछ, 3. आछेन. Imperfect Sing. 1. fag, 2. fafa, 3. fa “I was," etc. 3. छिलेन . Though used as an imperfect, this latter tense is in form a preterite, corresponding to dekhinu, etc., of the regular verb. The loss of the initial â is comparatively recent, for it is retained in so late a poet as Bhârat Chandra (A.D. 1711–1755). आछिल बिस्तर ठाट प्रथम बयेसे " She was (ie had been) very wanton in her youth" (Bidya-S. 246). It is common enough, also, in the other Bengali poets, जे ताल बेताल सिद्ध आछिल तोमार "What vicissitudes were experienced by you" (KasiM. 284), and the poets of the present day freely permit themselves the use of this form as a poetic licence when their metre requires it. Passing westwards from Bengal, we come to the extreme eastern limits of Hindi, in the Maithila province (Tirhut, Purnia, etc.), where the rustic dialect has the following present: Sing. 1., 2., 3. छे. Pl. 1. हूं, 2. कूं, 3. छें. It has also a feminine singular, plural, uninflected for person. Close to the Bengali frontier, near the junction of the Mahanandâ and Kankai rivers, they speak a curious sort of mixture of Hindi and Bengali, and have a present Sing. 1. छि, 2. छिस, 3. छद्द. Pl. 1. छि, 2. छें, 3. छे. Further west, in the same district, one hears Sing. 1., 2., 3. छ. Pl. 1. fa, 2. at, 3. T. In Bhojpuri, for the present is often heard, which is unchanged throughout both persons. This widely-used form seems to confirm the supposition of the derivation from, for changes both to and to . From the Himalayan districts of Kumâon and Garhwâl, Kellogg (p. 201) gives a present of this verb, and it is in use in Eastern Rajputana. It is also the ordinary substantive verb in Gujarati The first and third of these have also a preterite participle in type like most of the preterites. Thus in Kumâon they say sing. faut, pl. fæut or faut, which seems to point to a Skr. p.p.p. अचित = Pr. अच्छियो In Eastern Rajputana there is अचित=Pr. sing. छो, pl. छा. Although modern classical Hindi does not use this root, yet it is found with the initial vowel in the shape of an indeclinable present participle in the old poets, as in Tulsi's Ramayan แ आप अछत जुवराज पद रामहि देउ नरेस "Thyself remaining, give the heir-apparentship to Ram, O king!" -Ay-k. 11. That is, "during thy lifetime," literally "thou being." The dictionary-writers erroneously give this as a Tadbhava from , with which it has nothing to do. It is worthy of consideration whether the forms of the imperfect in P. given in § 60 should not be referred to this root rather than to as. The change of into so characteristic of M. would thus find a parallel in Panjabi. Gujarati has also a present participle indeclinable gas and "(in) being," and declinable at m., at f., ₫ n.; pl. qaτ m., Ã., a† n. “being.” § 65. The compound tenses formed by the addition of this auxiliary are most numerous, as might be expected, in Marathi, that language having a larger range of tenses of the auxiliary itself than the sister-tongues. First, a present habitual is formed by adding the present of the auxiliary to the present participle of the verb, as a "he is living," i.e. "he habitually resides,” fagta aunt “I am (always employed in) writing." Next, a past habitual, by adding the aorist of the auxiliary to the present tense, as "he was in the habit of sitting.' It will be remembered that in M. the aorist has the sense of a past habitual in modern times. This compound |