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" hear," v. शृणोति with प्रति, प्रतिशृणोति

पडिसुणे “ promises." " touch," vi. स्पृशति

फुसेड्. /भंज “ break," vii.भनक्ति

भंजद्. Vo "do," viii. करोति

कर. V ग्रह “ take," ix. गृह्णाति

गेहद, here again the ण

has passed into the root. Vघा "know," ix. जानाति

जाण. The tenth class being identical with the first is omitted. It will be seen that the present tense is formed throughout on the model of the first conjugation, the Jain words given above being phonetic modifications of words which would be in Sanskrit respectively harati, vedati, dhâti, årâdhati, prấpanati, chayati, sunati, bhanjati, karati, grihnali, and jânati, if all those verbs belonged to the first or Bh û conjugation.

It is not so easy to draw out a full verbal paradigma in this dialect as in Pali, because we have as yet no grammars, and are obliged to fall back on the words that occur in a single text. The range of tenses appears to consist of a present (corresponding to the Sanskrit lat), imperative (lot), potential (lin), imperfect and aorist jumbled together as in Pali, and future (lrit). The perfect (lit) seems to be altogether wanting, as it is in the modern languages.

The present runs thus :-V A “bow.” S. 1. नमामि, 2. नमसि, 3. नमति P.1. नमामो, 2. नमह, 3. नमंति. नमेमि, नमेसि, नमेति.


azifa. TH;

नमिंति. नमे. Those terminations which contain the vowel e have crept into the conjugation of all verbs from the tenth, to which that vowel, as shortened from aya, must be held strictly to belong, or to causals. Thus in Bhâg. i. 60, we have phâseti, påleti, sobheti, tireti, pûreti, kitteti, aņupâleä, ârâheż, for Sanskrit स्पर्शयति, पालयति, शोभयति, तारयति, पुरयति, कीर्तर्यात, अनुपालयति, आराधयति, respectively. In the last word the causal form becomes the same as the active given above. Of the imperative we have only the S. 2 and P. 2, which are in fact the only persons which an imperative can properly have. The S. 2 takes the ending fe as in Pali with junction vowels á and e, the P. 2 ends in , which, as Weber points out, is from the P. 2 of the present, in Sanskrit y. Thus Skr. / रुच "shine," causal रोचय, impy. रोचय, Jaina रोएहि. IST“ believe,”

श्रद्धेहि, सद्दहाहि (pres.

Váy “bind,” impv. P. 2. axta,


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The potential, of which only the S. 3 is traceable, resembles Pali in using the termination eyya with variant ejja. Skr. V TA “go,” S. 3. गच्छेत् Jaina गछेय्य, गछेज्ज.

V TE “take,” गृह्णीयात् , गेण्हेज्ज. But there exist some old simple forms derived by phonetic changes from the corresponding Sanskrit tense, as kujja kuryât, dajja = dadyât (Mueller, p. 60).

The future resembles that of Pali, thus

S. 1. नमिस्सामि, 2. दुस्ससि, 3. °दुस्सहP. 1. दुस्सामो, 2. दुस्सह, 3. इस्संति. It also appears with a termination ihi produced by weakening

into & and the following a to i, thusSkr. fhufa, Jain ofefefa and afargfa.

Moreover, there is a trace of the double future like Pali dakkhissati.

Skr. / पद् “go,” with उप, उपपद् “attain,” future उपपत्स्यते, Jaina उववन्झिहिति.

Here उपपत्स्यते would phonetically become उववच्छ, and by still further softening 399946, whence, as if from a present, is formed the future उववन्झिस्सद् and डववन्झिहिति.


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§ 6. The reduction in the number of tenses necessitates a greatly extended use of participles. This is one great step in the transition from the synthetical to the analytical system. The Sanskrit present active participle takes in that language the characteristics of the ten conjugations, and is declined as a noun in three genders. It ends properly in ant, but the nasal is dropped before certain terminations, as

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The nasal, however, is retained throughout in Jaina Prakrit, thusSkr. ज्वलन

Jagant ज्वलत्. Jaina जलंतो जलंती जलंतं. This peculiarity is worth remembering; much depends on this retention of the nasal, as will be seen when we come to the modern Sindhi and Panjabi verbs.

Very great interest attaches to the participle of the future passive, which in Sanskrit ends in het. In verbs which do not take intermediate 7, this ending is added directly to the root with the usual Sandhi changes; but as Prakrit prefers to insert

in order to preserve the root-form of the present, it comes to


that the 7 of the termination stands alone between two vowels, and in consonance with Prakrit phonetics is elided. The hiatus thus produced is in the Jaina writings filled by y. If to this we add the regular mutation of a into T, we get from a the form ug. In its original meaning this participle corresponds to the Latin in ndus, as faciendus, and expresses that which is to be done, as a platby thee it is to be gone,” i.e. “thou must go.' In this sense it occurs frequently in Bhâgavatî, as for instance in § 56:

Jaina एवं देवाणुप्पिया गंतवं, चिट्ठियवं, निसीतियवं, भुजियवं, etc. Skr. एवं देवानुप्रिया गन्तव्यं, स्थातव्यं, निषत्तव्यं, भोक्तव्यं, etc.

“Thus, 0 beloved of the gods, must ye go, must ye stand, must ye sit, must ye eat,” where the last two words postulate a Sanskrit form with the inserted, such as farofanai, ajfacrai.

It is obvious that it would require no great straining of the sense of this participle to make it into an infinitive, and seeing that as early as this Jaina dialect the use of the regular Sanskrit infinitive in g has become rare, it follows that recourse should be had to some participial form to supply its place. In this way we find the past passive participle in ca, with the a elided and

its place supplied by J, employed in a construction where we should expect the infinitive. Thus Bhâg. 8 54, Tifa Taifaci, estfael, agifqet, fepaifa (Weber, Bhâg. p. 274): “I wish to wander, to take the tonsure, to practise austerities, to learn,” as though from Sanskrit forms प्रवाजितं, मुण्डापितं, सेधापितं, fataifaa, the three last being causals formed with âp, as is frequently the case with causals in Prakrit, though of course these forms are not found in Sanskrit. In that language the formation of causals by means of ų is restricted to a few stems.

More will be said on this subject in a subsequent chapter, but it is necessary here to note an early instance of this process which takes a much wider development in later times, the infinitive in Gujarati and Oriya and several participial constructions and verbal nouns being derived from it.

$ 7. The scenic Prakrits represent a further step in development. Despite the admittedly artificial character of these

. dialects, they probably retain forms which were at one time in general use, although that time may not have been the epoch when the dramas were written, and without referring to them, the structure of the modern verb could not be clearly understood. It is expedient to avoid discussing this question, lest attention should be drawn away from the real subject of this work, namely, the modern languages. All this part of the present chapter is merely introductory and is only inserted in order to pave the way for a more intelligent appreciation of the origin and growth of Hindi and its fellows.

In the Mâhârâshtri or principal poetical dialect all conjugations are reduced to the type of the first or Bhû class, and the same holds good for the Çauraseni or chief prose dialect. Only

. here and there do we find faint traces of the peculiarities of other conjugations. Of the six phases only three remain, active, passive, and causal. The passive differs from the active only in the form of the root, the characteristic y of the

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