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pronounced "hôwâ,"

"dewâ." The origin of this form

is not clear to me, but it is probably connected with the participle in तव्य.

§ 75. On the basis of the infinitive in nâ is formed the agent. This, in Hindi, is made by adding to the oblique of the infinitive the words वाला, हारा ; as करनेवाला “a doer,” देखनेहारा Of these the former is apparently Skr.

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a seer." tector, keeper." Thus Skr.

"pro"cowherd," becomes H.

; as to the latter there is some difference of opinion, some would derive it from Skr. धारक “ holder, ” others from कारक "doer." I myself incline to the latter view; the would be elided when it ceased to be initial, and its place supplied by, which is often used to fill an hiatus. This is Trumpp's opinion (Grammar, p. 75), who shows that in S. this form of the agent respectively kâraka and kâra, as in—

exists as hâro or hâru

सिर्जणु “ to create,”

लिखणु “ to write,”

सिरजणहारो (रु)

facquerci (1) "creator,"

faquerì (a) “writer,”

also in its original form of kâro or kâru, with nouns, as

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y in Chand's

Kellogg (p. 245) refers to the phrase yn first verse as confirming the derivation from ; but this identification rests on a translation of that verse very confidently put forward by a writer whose high estimate of himself as a translator of Hindi has not yet been confirmed by the opinion of scholars in general. The translation in this particular instance is extremely uncertain, and no argument can be based on it.

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Hindi has also an agent in वैया, as करवैया “ a doer,” रखवैया a keeper," which is shortened from fe, a dialectic form of TT. It is confined almost to rustic speech, though the shorter form is not uncommon in the poets. H. वाला may be added also to nouns, to imply the doer of an action, or

the person who takes care of a thing, in which latter respect the original meaning of pâlaka is well preserved. Thus "one who takes care of a horse." So also in P. "husband," i.e. one who takes care of or maintains the

house, and still more frequently

tƒ. “wife." Sindhi

changes to more suo, and has, as a

holder," from

“house

"house," and feat "giver," from

डिअणु “ to give,” H. देनेवाला.

Chand uses the form in, shortened from, to make a sort of future participle, in the verb

"be." Thus

होइ होनहार सीता हरन ॥

"The rape of Sita, which was to be, takes place."-Pr. R. iii. 27.

Also

तें कछू होनहार पहचानिय ॥

"Thou knowing something of futurity.”—ib. xxi. 92.

हूनहार एसी लषी । कही जु आल्ह उपाय ॥

"It is written thus as destined to be, the plan which Alha has spoken."

Probably, also, to this place belongs the affix

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of a lost ☎, from a

In M. and G. this

pears simply as ára.

(af) “doer.”

-ib. xxi. 94.

in words

being an indication

form loses its initial consonant, and ap

In G. it is incorporated into one word with the verbal noun in ana, of which, except in this conjunction, no traces remain. Thus from

"to be," comes

“one who is." But, just as in the Old-H., the sense of futurity has usurped the place of the original idea of agency, and honâr now means "he who, or that which, is to be,” as सत्ये होनार ते होय । शत वीना बीजुं नही कोय ॥ “ That which in truth is (destined) to be, comes to pass, except truth there is nothing else" (Samaldas, Leckey, p. 64). It also takes the long 0, as थनार or थनारो “ that which is about to become,” from "to become," "that which is able," from

“to be able;" and is in practice used simply as a remote future tense, less immediate in its action than the simple future of the sa type, but equally common. Thus एटला माटेज अमे “For this very reason we are about to kill thee;" पोताना धर्मने कदी छोडनार नथी " He will never forsake his religion," in other words, "he is not a forsaker (H. QIZJETCI) of, or one who is likely to forsake, his religion;"

मारीने शुख भोगवनारो हतो “ Having killed another, I was about to enjoy happiness," literally, "I was becoming an enjoyer (Leckey, p. 161).

It is probably owing to the absence of any derivative of the verbal noun in ana that the grammar-writers have failed to understand the true origin of this form, and have supposed it to be composed of the verbal stem and a suffix når or nâro, so that chhodanâro is by them divided chhoda-nâro, instead of chhoḍan(a)-(h)âro.

A similar misapprehension has occurred in M. In that language, also, âr, ârâ, are used, added to the infinitive in, to make, not a noun of the agent, but a future participle, so far, at least, as the meaning goes. Thus from come

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a doer,” and करणारा, obl. करणारे. But these are used in the sense of "one who is about to do," as in G. So a is "the people who are coming," i.e. "who are expected to come." Godbol, at p. 109 of his excellent Marathi Grammar, indicates rightly the origin of this tense, and illustrates it by such nouns as Skr. कुंभकार, Pr. कुंभआर M. कुंभार. Other grammarians, however, still speak of "the participle in T." णारा.” This noun, used, as above explained, participially, is employed to form compound tenses, § 62. In H. and P. the noun in wâlâ (not vâlâ) is used in a future sense, as “he was वुह जानेवाला था just about to go." This is not perhaps a classical phrase, but it is one which one hears a dozen times a day from the mouths of people of all classes.

In O. one also hears a form in wâlâ added to the infinitive,

as पाइबाओयाला “a receiver.” I suspect, however, that this is a recent introduction from the Hindi. There is no w in Oriya, and in trying to express the sound, they imitate the Bengalis, and put that form of which it has as the last member of a nexus (the ya-phala as they call it), behind an . They pronounce this extraordinary combination wa, and not oya, as it should be. The natural genius of the language has no form for the agent; instead of saying "the speaker," they would say, "he who speaks," or, if educated, would use the Sanskrit agent in a

B. had, in its original state, apparently no noun of the agent. In modern times, recourse has been had to Sanskrit agents, which have been used whenever required, but colloquially it is easy to do without a nomen agentis, by slightly varying the arrangement of the sentence, and this is generally the course pursued. Such forms as “doer," "giver," used in literature, are, of course, Sanskrit pure and simple, and as such do not concern our present inquiry.

§ 76. The pronominal suffixes which are peculiar to Sindhi among the languages of the Indian group are also affixed to verbs, and, indeed, much more copiously used in that connection than with nouns. At Vol. II. p. 334, these suffixes, as applied to nouns, were briefly treated; they require more elaborate handling under verbs. It was mentioned, at the place cited above, that in this respect Sindhi allied itself with the neighbouring Aryan group of the Iranian languages, especially with Persian and Pashtu. I am not in a position to analyze the Persian and Pashtu analogies, and with respect to the latter language, though Trumpp has shown (Zeitschrift d. D. M. G. vol. xxiii. p. 1) that it is in many respects more closely allied to the Indian than to the Iranian group, yet it is so evidently a border language, transitional between the two, that to admit it to the present work would carry me beyond the limits of my

VOL. 111.

16

undertaking. It will suffice merely to notice, without attempting to discuss, the suffixes of that language as they occur in analogy with Sindhi.

These suffixes are used to bring the object of the verb's action into one word with it, and may be thus considered as datives, accusatives, or whatever case expresses the nature of the action of any particular verb. They are the same in form as those attached to nouns, and stand thus in comparison with Persian and Pashto:

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Taking the aorist of the active verb as the simplest tense, we find the suffix simply added without effecting any phonetic changes in the termination of the verb. Thus

Sing. 1. i af

"I let go," with suff. of 2 sing. fcuig “I let thee go," fuift “I let him go," with suff. of 2 pl. छडिआंव “ I let you go,” इडिअनि “ I let them go.”

Sing. 2. fe" thou lettest go," with suff. of 1 sing. fufa “thou lettest me go," and so on.

Pl.

3. ☎ affa “they let go," with suff. of 3 sing. æfefafa “ they let him go," and so on.

The imperative is treated exactly in the same way. The respectful form takes in the singular in this connection, not द्जे, as छडिजांमि " Please to let me go, ” छडिजांसि "Please to let him go."

66

In the participial tenses a still greater variety of forms results from the change of the termination for gender in the third

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