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likewise, in that the present-stem is formed by means of -ya- § 85. (our class V. of Present-stem-formation), while the noun-stem appears pure in the other tense-stems. To this kind belong the numerous verbs in -w and -σow, e.g. ¿λπlei (hopes), i.e. *¿λπɩd-ψε-τι, stem ἐλπίδα (n. sg. ἐλπίς hope, gen. sg. ἐλπίδος); ἐρίζει (strives), stem epid- (épis strife; in these cases, however, ǎ, like the 8 of the corresponding noun-stems, might be simply = y, and thus *êλπɩ-ye-TI, *Èρi-ye-TI, be assumed as fundamental forms, cf. § 65, 1, c, note; yet & between vowels = y is in my opinion still doubtful); πεμτáε (counts by fives), i.e. *πeμπad-ye-тI, stem πεμπάδα (πεμπάς number 5, collection of five); μαστίζει (lashes), i.e. *μαστιγ-ψε-τι, stem μάστιγα (μάστιξ lash); πομφολύζει (bubbles), i.e. *-λυγ-ψε-τι, st. πομφόλυγ- (πομφόλυξ bubble); ἁρπάζει (seizes), i.e. *ἁρπαγ-ψε-τι, stem ἅρπαγ- (ἅρπαξ grasping), fut. in Hom. åpπá§w, i.e. *åρπay-σw, but subsequently ápráσw, as though a stem *åpπad- underlay it, a confusion between -8- and -y- stems not uncommon, caused by the identity of the present-tense in each; oaλmile (trumpets), st. σáλπvyy(σáλmiy trumpet), the nasal falling away before (=yy, just as it does before σ, cf. fut. σaλπlyśw, i.e. *σaλπıyy-ow, etc. From such cases arose the common terminations -w, -asw, which afterwards came to be used as independent terminations. In like manner was developed the termination which arose in the case of stems in 7, 0, K, X, e.g. ẞMITTW (cut honey), i.e. *μλιτ-ψω (§ 68, 1, b. f.), *μελιτ-ψω, stem μέλιτο (μέλι, gen. μέλιτος honey); koρúσow (fit with a helm), i.e. *xopvł-yw, stem kópvł(κόρυς, gen. κόρυθ-ος helm); κηρύσσω (proclaim), i.e. *κηρυκ-ψω, stem κήρυκ- (κήρυξ, gen. κήρυκ-os herald); ἱμάσσω (I lash), i.e. *ἱμαντ-ψω, stem ἱμάντο (ἱμάς, gen. ἱμάντος strap); ἀνάσσω (am king), i.e. *åvaкт-yw, with loss of x in the group кту, st. åνакт(avaş, gen. ǎvaкт-os lord), etc.
Noun-stems in s are seen in Teλelei, teλéei, teλeî (completes), i.e. *τελεσ-ψε-τι, stem τέλες- (cf. τε-τέλεσ-μαι pf. pass.) in τέλος, gen. Téλous, i.e. *Teλeσ-os (end); veikelw, veikéw (wrangle), i.e.
885. *velkeo-yo, stem veixeo- (veikos ntr. quarrel); euruxei (is happy), ί.ε. *εὐτυχεσ-με-τι, stem εὐτυχέσα (adj. n. sg. masc. fem. εὐτυχής happy), etc.
From origl. -an-stems arise verbs in -aww, i.e. *-avyw, e.g. peλaiver (blackens), i.e. *peλav-ye-Ti, stem μéλav- (n. sg. mase. péλas, ntr. péλav, gen. péλav-os black); afterwards this termn. extended also to stems which do not end in -av, e.g. λευκαίνει (whitens), i.e. *λευκαν-ψε-τι, stem λευκό- (λευκόwhite), etc.
A similar case occurs in verbs in -vvw, i.e. *-vivw, *-vvyw; here, however, v is probably origl. from a present-formation in na (v. post., present-stem); e.g. ýdível (sweetens), i.e. *ýdv-vye-Tɩ, f.f. scădu-nya-ti, stem ýdú- (ýdú-s sweet), f.f. srādu-; ¿oível (straightens), stem 10ú- ('ī0v-s straight); evpúveɩ (broadens), stem eupú- (evpú-s broad), etc. This ending also passed over to other stems, e.g. μεγαλύνει (enlarges), st. μεγάλο- (great) ; λαμπpúvel (brightens), stem λaμπрó- (bright), etc.
From r-stems arise e.g. Tekμaípoμai (proclaim, infer), i.e. *τεκμαρ-ψο-μαι, stem τέκμαρ (aim, mark); μαρτύρομαι (call to witness), i.e. *μαρτυρ-ψο-μαι, stem μάρτυρ- μάρτυς, gen. μάρτυρ-ος witness).
After stem-terminations in vowels y is entirely lost (as in φύω, earlier φυίω; ὀπύω, earlier ὀπυίω, v. post. § 165), e.g. μεθύει (is drunken), i.e. *μe0v-ye-tɩ, f.f. madhu-ya-ti, stem μéðv (ntr. mead); Baoiλeú-(y)e-(T), (is king), stem Baoiλeú- (Baoiλeús king); Bovλeú-et (counsels) from an unused stem *Bovλev(formed like popeú-s bearer) and many more.
Frequently the noun-stem loses as a verb-stem the final vowel -o-, e.g. paλáoow (soften), i.e. *μaλak-yw, fut. μaλáğw *μαλακ-σω, stem μαλακό- (μαλακός soft); ἰύζω (scream), i.e. *lvy-ψω, fut. ιύξω =*ἰυγ-σω, cf. ἰυγή (shriek); μειλίσσω (soothe, exhilarate), i.e. *μeiλix-yw, stem μeixixo- (μeiλixo-s mild, friendly); Kabalρw (purify), i.e. *kalap-yw, stem καθαρός (καθαρός pure); δαιδάλλω (work cunningly), i.e.
*δαιδαλ-ψω, stem δαίδαλο- (cunningly wrought); ἀγγέλλω (an- § 85. nounce), i.e. *åɣyeλ-yw, stem ayyeλo- (masc. messenger); ποικίλλω (adorn) fr. ποικίλο-ς (variegated); καμπύλλω (bend) fr. Kaμmúλo-s (bent), etc.
Present-stems of similar derived verbs are also formed by means of the stem-formative suffix origl. -ska- (§ 165, VI.), e.g. μeðú-σкeɩ (makes drunk), f.f. madhu-ska-ti, stem μéðv(mead).
After labials occurs also the sf. origl. -ta- (§ 165, VII.) similarly used, e.g. ἀστράπτω (lighten) from ἀστραπή (lightning-flash); xaλéπ-тw (press hard) from xaλeπó-s (hard), etc., with loss of the vowel stem-termination of the noun, provided these verbs are really derived.
As regards the verbs whose present-stem terminates in origl. -asnu-, e.g. σтopévvūμi (spread) for *σтоρEσ-vu-μ, f.f. staras-nau-mi, f.f. of stem staras-nu, stem of remaining tenses σropes-, f.f. staras-, -a stem-form which frequently occurs also among nouns (v. post.), for these verbs, which belong here by rights, v. post. under 'Present-stem-formation'; they appear as stem-verbs, because the noun-forms underlying them do not really exist in the language.
In Latin a few noun-stems are used as verb-stems; the present is formed, as in Gk., by means of -ya- (§ 165, V.); but the formation is confined to u-stems, e.g. statui-t (sets up), i.e. *statu-yi-t, f.f. statu-ya-ti fr. sta-tu-s (subst. standing); metui-t (fears) from metu-s (fear); acui-t (sharpens) from acu-s (needle); tribui-t (assigns) fr. tribu-s (division); minui-t (lessens) from a non-existent *minu-s (small), of which minus (smaller) for *minius, f.f. *manyans, is the comparative.
Verb-stems, formed by reduplication of the root, § 86. and addition of -sa- or -s- in other tenses than the present (called desideratives from their function).
8 frequently appears as an element in stem- and word-formation, and must be traced back either to the pronominal √ sa, or,
§ 86. as is more probable in the case in question, to verbal as
Although these formations occur in Sk. and Zend only, yet they depend, like all reduplicated forms, on a very early method of expression, arising in that period of the language when the invariable roots possessed reduplication alone as a means of increasing their power of expressing relativity; Gk. forms such ας γι-γνώσκω, μι-μνή-σκω, correspond with the Aryan languages at least in reduplication, and it is the reduplication of the root only that we consider ancient. We doubt therefore whether the method of formation belonging to the Aryan language, so far as we know it, should be assigned to the origl. language. Here perhaps the reduplication alone, without any special suffix, served to express desiderative relation.
Sanskrit (special grammars must be consulted for further details of Sk. desiderative-stem-formation). Before the s of the sf. there is found an auxiliary vowel i after most root-terminations (§ 15, f). The reduplication is completely retained only in cases of the simplest kinds of root, e.g. ár-ir-i-ša-ti, 3 sg. pres. (he wishes to go), √ ar (go; 3 sg. pres. r-nó-ti), cf. ȧp-ap-loкw (fit), at least the same root is reduplicated; otherwise, as is usual, only the initial consonant of the root or its representative according to sound-laws (v. post. formation of Perfect) remains with root-vowel, which is weakened to i whenever it is origl. a, e.g. ģi-ģńā-sa-ti (wishes to know), fut. ģi-ģńā-s-i-šyá-ti, aor. comp. á-ģi-ģńā-s-i-šat, etc., √ ģńa transposed fr. origl. gan (know); didrk-sa-tē (wishes to see), √ darç, origl. dark, for *di-dark-sa-tai, ki-klp-sa-ti and ki-kalp-i-ša-tē, √kalp (be in order); some verbs lengthen the vowel of the reduplication-syllable (weakened from a), e.g. mi-ma-sa-tē, i.e. *mī-mān-sa-tai (considers, reflects), √ man (think); yú-yut-sa-ti (wishes to fight), √ yudh; ví-vik-ša-ti (wishes to enter), √viç, origl. vik; kí-kšip-sa-ti (wishes to throw), vkšip (throw), etc.
2. Noun-stems which are most closely connected with verb-stems § 87. (participles and infinitives) and also certain other noun-stems.
I. The root without suffix is also a noun-stem. This formation occurs in Aryograecoïtalic only; it is foreign to Sclavoteutonic.
To the IndoEur. origl. lang. have most likely to be ascribed such root-forms as e.g. bhar (bear), vid (see), yudh (fight), etc., in the functions of nomina actionis and nomina agentis. As verb-stems they occur in the simple aorist (§ 164), e.g. da-; in pres. (§ 165), e.g. as- (I. a), ai- and i- (II. a). Reduplicated root without sff. is either perfect-stem (§ 163), e.g. vi-vid-, da-da-; or pres.-stem as dha-dha-, da-da- (III.), or aorist-stem (§ 164).
Sanskrit. The root appears not unfrequently as a nomen actionis and nomen agentis, e.g. in infinitives, as drç- (dat. drç-é to see), sad- (dat. ā-sád-ē to seat oneself), kram- (dat. ati-krám-ē transgress); ya- (dat. ā-yái fr.*a-ya-ai come); rabh- (acc. rábh-am desire, do); idh- (acc. sam-idh-am kindle), etc. Similar roots, acting as verb-stems likewise, are also used in ordinary Sk. as nomina actionis, e.g. yudh- (fem. battle), sam-pád- (fem. happiness; sam- with, pad go); roots with a also raise it to ā, e.g. vāk (speech), √vak (speak). At the end of compounds such stems as coincide in form with roots and primary verb-stems are often found used as nomina agentis, e.g. dharma-vid- (knowing one's duty), etc. Roots in a lose it before most cases, or raise it to ā, e.g. viçva-p- (loc. viçva-p-i) and viçva-pā- (e.g. instr. pl. viçva-pā-bhis), f.f. of stem viçva-pa- (all-protecting), √ pa (protect).
The pure root-forms appear more rarely in this function without composition, e.g. drç- (eye, i.e. seeing), √drç (see); viç- (masc. cultivator, husbandman, man), vviç (enter, settle, cf. vēç-a- masc., vēç-man- ntr. house); div-, dyu- (m. f. heaven) with different scale-steps, e.g. div-i, dyáv-i loc. sg., dyāu-s n. sg., √ div (shine);