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√pu (beget, grow), etc. As primary and secondary sf. -epo- § 92. often occurs, e.g. φανερό- (clear), 1 φαν (φαίνω show); δροσερό(dewy) from Spóσo-s (fem. dew); poßepó- (fearful), þóßo-s (masc. fear), etc.; also in other sff., e.g. -upo-, -wpn-, -wλo-, -wλn-, -iλo-, we find origl. sf. -ra-.

Latin. rub-ro- (ruber red), √ rub, origl. rudh; scab-ro(scaber rough), scab (scabo scratch); sac-ro- (sacer holy), √sac (sancire); gnā-ro- (gnarus knowing), √gna (know); plē-ro(full), √ple (fill); ag-ro- (ager field), √ag (agere); sella (stool) for *sed-la = &d-pa, sed (sedere sit); sf. -la- is frequently added to derived verbal-stems, e.g. cande-la (lamp), stem cande- (candere glow, be white); medē-la (remedy), stem mede(medēri heal), etc., whose analogy, as in impf. (v. post. § 173, 7), is followed by the formations of stem-verbs, as e.g. sequē-la (following), sequi (follow); fugē-la (flight), fugere (flee); loquē-la (speech), loqui (speak); querē-la (complaint), queri (complain). Hence we see here, as in the Sclavonic participle, clearly an addition to verbal-stems, which occurs in Greek as well. -lais also a common element in Latin in sff. (-ulo-, -ula-, -ili-). IX. Stems with sf. origl. -an-.

These stems occur in all Indo-Eur. languages, but rarely, it is true, in some of them, while in others they are very common -e.g. Teutonic; but I know of no example which we may confidently ascribe to Indo-European except vad-an- (ntr. water), and ak-an- (masc. stone; cf. Sk. áç-an- and Goth. aúhna-, which may very probably be derived from an older consonantal stem).

Sanskrit. rág-an- (n. sg. ráýā, n. pl. ráģān-as, loc. sg. ráģń-i, ráģan-i, king), √raģ (ráý-ati shines, rules); sné-han(friend), √snih (love); vŕš-an- (rainer; bull), √varš (rain) and other like nom. agentis; áç-an- (masc. stone, rock), √aç (strike); ud-án- (ntr. water, not used in all cases), vud (wet), probably arising from vad.

The very frequent Sk. sf. -in- is probably akin, e.g. primary


§ 93. in math-in- (beside mánth-an-, churning stick), √/math (move, stir); exceptionally common as secondary sf., e.g. dhan-in- (rich), dhána- (ntr. possession), etc.


Greek. The sff. corresponding to origl. -an- are here not uncommon, e.g. Tép-ev- (n. sg. masc. Téρηy tender), √TEP (TEIP-W rub); åpny-óv- (masc., n. ȧpýy-wv helper), cf. ápńy-w (help); eik-óv- (fem., n. eix-óv image), cf. e-ou-a (perf. am like) and the like; more frequently still is found the sf. -wv-, which must be considered a lengthening or step-formation of -an-, e.g. aïe-wv- (glowing), cf. aïß-w (kindle), √/i0; «λúd-wv (masc. wave, surge), κλυδ (κλύζω rinse, wash); πόρδων (masc. farter), νπερδ (πέρδ-ω fart), etc. In πευθ-ήν (masc. inquirer), ν πυθ (πυνθάνομαι, fut. πεύ(θ)-σομαι inquire); λειχήν (scale), γλιχ (λείχω lick), etc., we see the rarer -nv-=origl. -an-. As secondary sf. -wv- appears in avôp-óv (men's apartment), stem avop- for *ἀνρ-, ἀ-νερ- (n. ἀνήρ, gen. ἀνδρ-ός man); ἱππών (masc. stable), ππо- (horse), etc.

Latin. Sff. with short vowel are not very common, e.g. n. sg. a-sperg-o gen. -in-is (fem. besprinkling), stem thus -sperg-on-, -sperg-en-, √ sparg (sparg-o sprinkle, scatter; a-sperg-o besprinkle); com-pāg-en- (fem., n. com-pāg-o fastening), √pag (pang-o fix, com-ping-o fix together); pect-en- (masc. comb; gen. pect-in-is), pect-o (comb); on the other hand, -ōn- is common, as in Gk. -wv-, e.g. ed-ōn- (masc., n. edo, gen. edōn-is eater), com-ed-ōn- (devourer), ved (ed-o eat, com-ed-o eat up); com-bib-ōn(fellow-drinker), cf. com-bib-o (drink with); ger-on- (bearer), cf. ger-o (bear, bring) and the like.

X. Stems with sf. -ana-.

The sf. -ana-, which in Sk., Zend, Gk., and Gothic forms stems used as infinitives, belongs to the period of the Indo-Eur. origl. language, in which formations such as bhar-ana-,

bhar (bear); vagh-ana-, perhaps vāgh-ana- (uectio, ntr. waggon), √vagh (uehere), and the like must be presupposed. Cf. moreover the med. participles of Sk. and Zend in -ana-, -āna- (§ 91),

which perhaps belong here; the Gk. pres.-stems such as ik-ave-, §93b. μave-ave-, and Sk. e.g. is-ana-, grh-āṇa- (§ 165, iv. b).

Sanskrit. Sf. -ana-, with root-vowel i, u accompanied by step-formation of root-vowel, forms nomina actionis and nomina agentis (also adjectivals). The dat. and loc. sg. of the abstracts in -ana- (-anaya-, -anē-) are used as infinitives, e.g. dat. gám-anāya, loc. gám-ané, stem gám-ana-, n. sg. gám-ana-m (ntr.), √gam (go); likewise bhár-ana- (bear, hold), √ bhar (bear); bhéd-ana- (split), √bhid; bháv-ana- (be), √/bhu; dána- (giving, gift), i.e. *dā-ana-, ✔da (give); kár-ana- (cause), verb-stem kāraya- (caus., √kar make), etc. The sf. appears as fem. also in this function, e.g. ās-and- (stay), √ās (sit); yāk-aná (begging), √yāk (beg).

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Nomina agentis of this form are e.g. náy-ana- (ntr. eye the guiding thing'), √ni (lead); vád-ana- (ntr. mouth, the speaking thing'), vad (speak); väh-ana- (ntr. waggon, the carrying thing'), √vah (carry); dáç-ana- (masc. tooth, 'the biting one'), √daç (bite); nánd-ana- (masc. delighter), verb-stem nandaya(delight), √nand (rejoice), etc. Fems. of this function are e.g. ģan-anī (genetrix), i.e. *ģan-anyā from masc. ģán-ana-, verbstem ganaya- (beget), ✔ģan (be born; beget), etc.

As adjs. are used e.g. ýval-aná- (burning), √ýval (burn); çōbh-aná- (pretty), √çubh (sparkle), etc.

Greek. Here belong the nouns in -avo-; thus neuters κóπ-avo(pestle), √KOTT (KÓTT-TW, KE-KOTT-Ńs strike); öpy-avo- (tool), √ Fepy (epy-ov work); ox-avo- (handle), vèx (ex-w have, hold), Spéπ-ανο- (sickle), δρεπ- δρέπ-ομαι pluck), etc. ; τύμπανο- (ntr. drum, cudgel) with nasalized √TUT (TÚπ-TW beat), which often happens in the stems of this formation used as pres.-stems; masculines, e.g. στέφανο- (crown) ν στεφ (στέφειν gird, crown); Xód-avo- (Hêsuch. podex), √xed (xésw caco); feminines like. nd-ový (pleasure), √åd (åvd-ávw, ád-now, e-ad-ov please), origl. svad; ȧyx-óvn (strangling, hanging), vảyx, ax (äyx-w throttle, ἄχ-νυ-μαι am pained), etc. ; δρεπάνη (id. q. δρέπ-ανον); θηγ-άνη

§93b. (whetstone, also Ony-avo-v is attested), vony (Ony-w whet) ; σTep-ávη (encircling, crown), cf. σrép-avo-s, etc. Adjectival, e.g. σκεπ-ανό- (covering), σκεπ, cf. σκέπ-η (cover); ἱκ-ανό(sufficient), √ik (ix-véopaι, ik-óμŋv come), etc.


As from sf. -as- arises Lat. infin. in -re-, and from -manaGk. infin. -peva (v. § 91), so also from -ana- comes Gk. infin. in -evat, which we consider as loc. sg. of a fem.-stem. A form Meλoπ-évaι points to a stem origl. rirāikana-, i.e. a nom. agentis in -ana- formed from perfect-stem; pépeiv for *pepeivi, *þepevi (§ 26, 3), with shortened ending for *pepevaɩ, to a stem bharana- from pres.-stem pepe = bhara-, whose termination -a serves likewise as initial sound of sf. -ana-. Stems ending in a vowel mostly do not assume -ana-, but only -na-, hence διδόναι, ἱστά-ναι, δεικνύναι ; yet θεῖναι = *θεεναι, δοῦναι = *δοεναι.

Latin. A formation quite corresponding to origl. -anadoes not occur to me. As Gk. unxavý appears in Lat. as machina, we may probably place here the Lat. forms with sf. -ino-, -ina, whose i therefore, as often in Lat., is weakened from a; thus, e.g. pag-ina (fem. leaf, page), √pag (fasten, join, pres. pang-o); sarc-ina (fem. bundle, load), √sarc (sarc-io patch, repair); dom-ino- (lord), fem. dom-ina, √dom (dom-o subdue, tame), cf. Sk. dam-ana- (taming, subduing).

XI. Stems with sf. -na-.

These stems, used in all Indo-Eur. languages, are much employed as past part. pass., in meaning like those in -ta-.

As a regular formation this part. occurs only in certain Sk., Scl. and Teut. verb-stems, whereby its existence in Indo-Eur. is sufficiently proved.

Indo-Eur. The frequent use of -na- in noun-stems appears from words such as svap-na- (masc. sleep), √svap (sleep); stā-na(ground, place), √sta (stand).

Sanskrit. sváp-na- (as orig.); yag-ná- (masc. offering, worship), vyag (offer, worship); ánna- (ntr. food) for *ad-nu

(§ 59, 1), √ad (eat); sthá-na- (place, ntr.), √stha (stand,—if § 94. it belong not to -ana-); secondarily in pură-na (adj. old) from purá (previous, earlier); mali-ná- (adj. dirty), from mala(masc. ntr. dirt); phali-ná (bearing fruit), from phala- (ntr. fruit); the latter exx. coincide in form and function with past part. pass. Greek.

π-vo-=Sk. and origl. sváp-na-; λíx-vo- (adj. dainty, greedy), νλιχ (λείχω lick) ; λύχνο- (masc. lamp), γλυκ (λευκ-ό-ς clear), origl. ruk (on x for « before v, v. § 68, 1, c; other exx. of Χ к primary sf. -na- v. post.); the sf. is secondary in cases like ὀρεινό-=*ὀρεσ-νο (hilly), stem ὄρες- in ὄρος (ntr. hill) ; σκοτεινό=*σKOTEσ-VO- (dark), stem σкóтes- in σkóтos (ntr. darkness), etc.

Latin. som-no- for *sop-no-=origl. svap-na-; common as secondary sf., e.g. pater-no-, uer-no-, salig-no- (stem salic-), etc.; also often with long a, e, i before -na-, as font-ano-, stem font-, equi-no-, stem equo-, alie-no- (§ 38) from stem alio-, cani-no-, stem cani-, boui-no-, stem bou-, boui- (conson.-stems change to iforms), doctri-na, stem doctor-, doctri- from *doctori-, etc.

Suffix -na- forming past part. pass.

We reckon here those languages also which show only a few exx. or scattered traces of this use of sf. -na-.

Indo-Eur. The different uses in the different languages of -na- make it almost impossible to find many roots in which we can be sure that the p.p. pass. was formed from them by -na- as early as the time of the origl. lang. This was however undoubtedly the case with √/par (fill), whose part. par-na- (full), masc. parna-s, ntr. parna-m, fem. parnā, was already in existence. We cannot believe that this method of formation was confined to this one root.

Sanskrit. The formation in -na- is used in comparatively few roots, e.g. pūr-ņá- for *par-ná- (§ 7), √par (fill); stīr-ṇáfor *star-ná- (§ 7), star (sternere); bhug-ná-, bhug (bend); bhin-ná- for *bhid-ná- (§ 59, 1), √/bhid (split), etc.

Greek. Not as a regular participial formation. Yet here

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