fruitful land, traversing all the seas with which we have passed, the animation of the rich productions of their industry, discussions and of exertions has sometimes engaged in commerce with nations who worn an aspect which might impose on feel power and forget right, advancing strangers unused to think freely, and to rapidly to destinies beyond the reach of speak and to write what they think; but mortal eye; when I contemplate these this being now decided by the voice of the transcendent objects, and see the honor, nation, announced according to the rules the happiness, and the hopes of this be- of the Constitution, all will of course arloved country committed to the issue and range themselves under the will of the law, the auspices of this day, I shrink from and unite in common efforts for the comthe contemplation, and humble myself be- mon good. All, too, will bear in mind fore the magnitude of the undertaking. this sacred principle, that though the will Utterly, indeed, should I despair, did of the majority is in all cases to prevail, not the presence of many whom I see that will, to be rightful, must be reason

here remind me that, in the other high able; that the minority possess their authorities provided by our Constitu- equal rights, which equal laws must protion, I shall find resources of wisdom, tect, and to violate which would be opof virtue, and of zeal, on which to rely under all difficulties. To you, then, gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign functions of legislation, and to those associated with you, I look with encouragement for that guidance and support which may enable us to steer with safety the vessel in which we are all embarked, amid the conflicting elements of a troubled world.

During the contest of opinion through

pression. Let us then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and one mind, let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things. And let us reflect that, having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little, if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and as capable of bitter and

bloody persecutions. During the throes that this government, the world's best and convulsions of the ancient world, dur- hope, may, by possibility, want energy to ing the agonizing spasms of infuriated preserve itself? I trust not. I believe this, man, seeking through blood and slaughter on the contrary, the strongest government his long-lost liberty, it was not wonderful on earth. I believe it is the only one that the agitation of the billows should where every man, at the call of the law, reach even this distant and peaceful shore; would fly to the standard of the law, and that this should be more felt and feared would meet invasions of the public order Sometimes by some, and less by others, and should as his own personal concern. divide opinions as to measures of safety; it is said that man cannot be trusted with but every difference of opinion is not a the government of himself. Can he then difference of principle. We have called be trusted with the government of others? by different names brethren of the same Or have we found angels, in the form of principle. We are all republicans; we kings, to govern him? Let history answer are all federalists. If there be any this question. who among us wish to dissolve this Let us, then, with courage and confiUnion, or to change its republican form, dence, pursue our own federal and republet them stand undisturbed as monu- lican principles; our attachment to union ments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated, where reason is left free to combat it. I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government cannot be strong; that this government is not strong enough. But would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a government which has so far kept us free and firm, on the theoretic and visionary fear

and representative government. Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-minded to endure the degradation of the others; possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to the thousandth generation; entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisition of

our own industry,

to honor and confidence from our fellow-citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion, professed indeed and practised in various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man; acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence, which, by all its dispensations, proves that it delights in the happiness of man here, and his greater happiness hereafter; with all these blessings, what more is necessary to

make us a happy and prosperous people? the general government in its whole con

Still one thing more, fellow-citizens-a wise and frugal government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regu

THOMAS JEFFERSON'S GRAVE.

late their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government; and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities.

stitutional vigor, as the sheet-anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right of election by the people, a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which there is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace, and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burdened; the honest payment of our debts, and sacred preservation of the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information, and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason; freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of person, under the protection of the habeas corpus; and trial by juries impartially selected. These principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us, and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages, and blood of our heroes, have been devoted to their attainment; they should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust; and should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps, and to regain the road which leads alone to peace, liberty, and safety. . .

About to enter, fellow-citizens, upon the exercise of duties which comprehend everything dear and valuable to you, it is proper you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our government, The Jeffersonian Policy. - Soon after and, consequently, those which ought to his inauguration, Jefferson indicated his shape its administration. I will compress policy in a letter to Nathaniel Macon, them within the narrowest compass they in Congress, as follows: "1. Levees are will bear, stating the general principle, done away with. 2. The first communibut not all its limitations. Equal and ex- cation to the next Congress will be, like act justice to all men, of whatever state all subsequent ones, by message, to which or persuasion, religious or political; peace, no answer will be expected. 3. Diplocommerce, and honest friendship with all matic establishments in Europe will be nations, entangling alliances with none; reduced to three ministers. 4. The comthe support of the State governments in pensation of collectors depends on you all their rights, as the most competent [Congress], and not on me. 5. The army administrations for our domestic concerns, is undergoing a chaste reformation. 6. and the surest bulwarks against anti-re- The navy will be reduced to the legal publican tendencies; the preservation of establishment by the last of this month

[May, 1801]. 7. Agencies in every de- he had to abandon the undertaking. Jefpartment will be revived. 8. We shall ferson, then governor of Virginia, gave push you to the uttermost in economiz- instructions for the occupation of a staing. 9. A very early recommendation tion on the Mississippi River between the

mouth of the Ohio and the parallel of 36° 30'; and in the spring of 1780 Clarke chose a strong position 5 miles below the mouth of the Ohio, whereon he built Fort Jefferson. Here the Americans planted their first sentinel to watch over the freedom of the navigation of the Father of Waters."

Jefferson and Taylor, FORTS. At

Peninsula, was Fort Jefferson; and at Key West was Fort Taylor. Neither of these forts was quite finished at the beginning of 1861. The Confederates early contemplated their seizure, but the laborers employed on them by the United

has been given to the Postmaster-General the Garden Key, one of the Tortugas to employ no traitor, foreigner, or Revo- Islands, off the extremity of the Florida lutionary Tory in any of his offices." Three days after his inauguration he wrote to Monroe: "I have firmly refused to follow the counsels of those who have desired the giving of offices to some of the Federalist leaders in order to reconcile them. I have given, and will give, only to Republicans under existing circumstances." The doctrine," To the victor belong the spoils," which has been accepted as orthodox in the politics of our republic ever since, was then first promulgated.

Jefferson, FORT, a fortification built by COL. GEORGE ROGERS CLARK (q. v.). on the west side of the Mississippi. He had designed to extend his in- States government were chiefly slaves, vasion to Detroit, but troops to reinforce and their masters wished to reap the him had been added to the force of an- fruit of their labor as long as possible. other bold leader (see SHELBY, EVAN), and It was believed these forts might be

seized at any time by the Floridians. Cap- make laws to that end; and when, in 1689, tain Brannan, with a company of artil- the Stuarts were driven from the throne lery, occupied barracks about half a mile of England, these people were pardoned, from Fort Taylor. Some of the military and the Virginians received them with and civil officers there were Confederates, open arms as brethren. Sir George died and they determined to oppose Captain in London, April 18, 1689. Brannan if he should attempt to take Jenckes, JOSEPH, colonial governor; possession of that fort. Finally Captain born on the site of the city of Pawtucket, Brannan succeeded by a stratagem in R. I., in 1656; held a seat in the General gaining possession. The steamer Wyan- Assembly of Rhode Island in 1679-93; dotte lay near the fort, and her guns com- was appointed to arrange the boundary manded the bridge that connected it disputes with Connecticut and Massachuwith the island. One Sunday morning, setts, and afterwards those which had while the inhabitants were at church, arisen between Massachusetts and New Captain Brannan marched his men by a Hampshire and Maine. He back road, crossed the bridge, and entered the fort. Supplies had already been forwarded by water. Both forts were strengthened and were lost to the Confederates.

was also made commissioner to answer a letter of the King regarding the "condition of affairs in Rhode Island," and to reply to a number of questions proposed by the lords of the privy council. He was governor of Rhode Island in 172732. He died June 15, 1740.

Jenckes, THOMAS ALLEN, legislator; born in Cumberland, R. I., Nov. 2, 1818; graduated at Brown University in 1838; admitted to the bar in 1840; served in Congress in 1862-71. He was the author of the United States bankruptcy law, which was passed in 1867; and was also one of the earliest and most prominent advocates of civil service reform. His bill in advocacy of the same was passed in 1868. He died in Cumberland, R. I., Nov. 4, 1875.

Jeffreys, SIR GEORGE, jurist; born in Acton, Denbighshire, in 1648; was called to the bar in 1668; became chief-justice of England in 1683; and was elevated to the post of lord chancellor in 1685. He was of a blood thirsty and cruel disposition, delighting in the severe punishment of the enemies of the King. After the rebellion of the Duke of Monmouth (1685) was crushed he held courts in the insurgent districts which are known in history as the "Bloody Assizes." The partisans of Monmouth in arms were fully 6,000 in number, many of them persons of great respectability. They were brought before Jenkins, CHARLES JONES, jurist; born the court of the chief-justice by scores. in Beaufort district, S. C., Jan. 6, 1805; He seemed to delight in convicting and settled in Jefferson county, Ga., in 1816: punishing them. He caused 320 to be graduated at Union College in 1824; held hanged or beheaded, and more than 800 a seat in the Georgia legislature in 1836to be sold as slaves in the West Indies and 50. He was a Union delegate to the GeorVirginia. Many of the latter were given to gia convention in 1850, and as chairman court favorites that they might sell them of that body drafted the resolutions known on speculation or extort money for their as "The Platform of 1850," in which it pardon from those who had any to give. In was resolved "that the State of Georgia, this nefarious business Lord Effingham, even to the disruption of every tie which governor of Virginia, engaged; and many binds her to the Union, resist any act men of culture, as well as good mechanics, of Congress abolishing slavery." He was were sent to Virginia to be sold as slaves, a judge of the Supreme Court of Georand so added excellent scial materials for gia in 1859-65, and governor in 1865society in that colony. "Take care," 68. Mr. Jenkins received two votes for wrote King Charles to Effingham, that President of the United States in the they continue to serve for ten years at electoral college of 1872. He died in least, and that they be not permitted in Summerville, Ga., June 13, 1883. any manner to redeem themselves by money or otherwise until that term be fully expired." The Assembly refused to

Jenkins, JAMES G., jurist; born in Saratoga Springs, N. Y., July 18, 1834; was liberally educated in New York State;