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of them. Such are Athabascan, Salish, Chinookan, Yokuts, Siouan, and Eskimo; and yet Athabascan and Eskimo might well be considered types of "polysynthetic" languages.

We have seen that noun incorporation as ordinarily understood, that is, objective noun incorporation, can not be treated without reference to other syntactic uses of the incorporated noun. Objective noun incorporation may be a justifiable theme to treat from a logical or psychological point of view, but as regards morphology there is every reason to consider this particular process a special case, syntactically speaking, of the more general process of coalescence of noun stem and verb stem into a single verb form. Besides objective and subjective incorporation of noun stems, examples have been given of their use predicate objectively and subjectively, instrumentally, locatively, and in what have been termed bahuvrihi constructions. The manner of incorporation has been found to differ considerably in different linguistic stocks; this applies to position, degree of coalescence with verb stem, and morphological treatment of the incorporated noun. Despite all differences of detail one fact stands out prominently. In no case, not even in Iroquois, where the process is probably of greater syntactic importance than elsewhere, can the incorporated noun be considered as morphologically the equivalent of a pronominal affix. This does not mean that noun incorporation has no syntactic value. The characteristic fact about the process is that certain syntactic relations are expressed by what in varying degree may be called composition or derivation.2

GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF CANADA,

OTTAWA, ONT.

The "substantivals" of Salish and Kwakiutl, as already pointed out, are not instances of true noun incorporation.

2 Since this article was written (June, 1910) Mr J. P. Harrington has published sketches of two Tanoan dialects, Tiwa and Tewa. In Tiwa both direct and indirect noun objects may be incorporated in the verb complex, coming between the pronominal prefix and verb stem; such incorporation is obligatory for singular direct objects (American Anthropologist, N. S., 12, 1910, p. 28). In Tewa singular direct objects may or may not be incorporated (ibid., p. 501). Tanoan verbs with incorporated noun object are, as in Nahuatl and Shoshonean, noun-verb compounds.

ADDITIONAL NOTES ON IROQUOIS SILVERSMITHING

IN

BY ARTHUR C. PARKER

N the American Anthropologist1 for July-Sept., 1910, I endeavored to show that most of the silver brooch patterns used by the eastern Indians, particularly the Iroquois, had come from trans-atlantic sources, most probably directly from Scotland. I pointed out also that the Iroquois as late as 1865 commonly made silver brooches similar in most ways to Scotch Luckenbooth brooches, that they considered their product the result of a purely native art, and that this belief had been held by nearly all, if not all, collectors of Iroquois silver ornaments.

It may be well to state, in passing, that the Iroquois silver ěnius'kä' as well as the Scotch Luckenbooth brooch was fretted out of a thin plate of silver and generally had a single tongue or pin loosely attached to one side of a central opening. The cloth was pulled through this opening sufficiently to allow the tongue to pierce it when it was drawn back and the brooch thus held securely. This form of brooch is distinctive and differs from the heavy forms with a clasp pin on the back, from the fibula, and from other forms of pin jewelry. The Luckenbooth brooch resembles a buckle more than it does a pin or fibula.

Since the publication of my former article I have come across other interesting references to silver brooches and am much indebted to Mr Alfred Ela of Boston for many citations, with particular reference to the origin of heart-shaped brooches in Europe. My article traced the European brooch from the burial mounds of East Yorkshire to Scotland. In the Transactions of the Glasgow Archaeological Society, vol. 6, part 1, 1910, I find, however, an article on heart brooches by Mr C. E. Whitelaw, F. S. A. Scot., in which the following statement is made: "The heart shaped brooch in various forms was in use in many countries in Western Europe, e. g. Scandanavia, Germany and England. In England it was one 1 In an article entitled "The Origin of Iroquois Silversmithing."

of the commonest forms in mediaeval times and was probably introduced about the thirteenth century. I am unable to suggest when it came into use in Scotland." Thus, as had been anticipated, the brooch referred to has been traced to the continent. The

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of the Wyoming Historical Society (Pa.). a' shows the reverse with an inscription. On the lower line are three forms of brooches made by the Iroquois and copied from Scotch patterns.

Scotch Luckenbooth brooches mentioned by Mr Whitelaw are described as usually of silver, often of inferior quality, and sometimes set with natural crystals or glass and occasionally with brass or

copper.

Such brooches are described as having been cast in moulds and finished by hand. On these specimens the maker's initials or the place of manufacture are often found. The face is usually engraved and many times the reverse bears an inscription, a posy, the names of its owners, or the name of a donor and recipient. This last named form is generally found to be a marriage or a love token (see fig. 45). Any brooch pinned to the garment of a child was regarded by the Scotch as an efficient charm against witches, hence the name "witch brooches" was often applied.

When the Iroquois silversmiths copied the Scotch patterns they left off many things that were common in the original pattern and interpreted the design as their own education, environment, or customs dictated. The Iroquois many times fastened bits of glass to the brooches but never cast them. Their method was uniformly to fret them out of sheet silver or beaten coins, as previously described.

The most common forms of loose-tongued fret-work brooches in use in Great Britain as far as I have discovered from reviewing descriptions and illustrations, are the circle, the simple heart, the heart with the apex curved to one side, the simple heart crowned either by a coronet or thistle, the elaborated heart and highly conventional crown, and two hearts intertwined and crowned. Very probably the simple square was also used. All these forms and many others are found in Iroquois-made brooches of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The Iroquois brooches in their workmanship are distinctive. With them the thistle top was a bird's tail and in their brooches they lengthened the thistle and drew parallel lines to represent feathers. The Iroquois recognized the intertwined hearts to be such but called them "two jaws interlocked." Unlike the Scotch brooch of this type they did not place a tongue on each heart but fastened one across the central opening. Mr Harrington in his paper on silversmithing1 remarks that the Iroquois use this brooch (see fig. 45, e) as a national badge and this is quite true. The Iroquois traveler, faithful to the precedents of his sires of the older days, generally fastens a double heart brooch to his coat or vest as an emblem of his nationality and as a 1 Anthropological Papers of the Am. Mus. of Nat. Hist., vol. 1, part VI. AM. ANTH., N. S., 13-19

hailing sign to the wanderers of his tribe. Never does he suspect that the motif of his emblem is anything but a genuine product of

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FIG. 46.-Pocahontas and her son Thomas Rolfe. From a painting in Heacham Hall, England, the home of the Rolfe family. (Reproduced by courtesy of Lathrop, Lee and Shephard.)

his own ancestors and thus a worthy token of his aboriginality. In it he never dreams of the canny Scot of earlier times.

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