ment, yet all their purposes shall wholly and only tend to make the Queen of Scots Queen of this realm and to deprive our sovereign lady thereof. And in these their proceedings there are two manner of things to be considered, the one of which is far worse than the other. The one is intended by them that, either for malicious blindness in religion or for natural affection to the Queen of Scots or the Lord Darnley, do persuade themselves that the said Queen of Scots hath presently more right to the crown than our sovereign the Queen, of which sort be all their kindred of both sides and all such as are devoted to the Papacy either in England, Scotland, Ireland, or elsewhere. The other is meant of them which less maliciously are persuaded that the Queen of Scots hath only right to be the next heir to succeed the Queen's Majesty and her issue, of which sort few are without the realm but here within; and yet of them not so many as are of the contrary. And from these two sorts shall the devices and practices proceed.

'From the first are to be looked for these perils. It is to be doubted that the devil will infect some of them to imagine the hindrance of our dearest sovereign lady by such means as the devil will suggest to them; although it is to be assuredly hoped that Almighty God will-as hitherto He hath-graciously protect and preserve her from such dangers.

'There will be attempted by persuasions, by bruits and rumours and such like, to alienate the minds of good subjects from the Queen's Majesty, and to conciliate them to the Queen of Scots, and in this behalf the

frontier and the north will be much solicited and laboured. There will be attempted tumults and rebellions, specially in the north towards Scotland, so as thereupon may follow some open extremity by violence. There will be by the said Queen's council and friends a new league made with France or Spain that shall be offensive to this realm and a furtherance to their title; and it is also likely they will set on foot as many practices as they can both upon the frontier and in Ireland to occasion the Queen's Majesty to continue her charges, thereby to retain her from being wealthy or potent. From the second is not much to be feared; but they will content themselves to serve notedly the Queen's Majesty and so to impeach her not to marry; but to hope that the Queen of Scots shall have issue, which they will think to be more plausible to all men because thereby the Houses of England and Scotland shall be united in one, and thereby the occasions of war shall cease; with which persuasions many people may be seduced and abused to incline themselves to the Queen of Scots.'1

The several points thus prepared by Cecil for the consideration of the council were enlarged in the discussion which ensued on them.

'By some it was thought plainly that the peril was greater by the marriage with the Lord Darnley than with the mightiest prince abroad;' a stranger would have few friends in England; the Lord Darnley being

1 Cotton, MSS. CALIG. B. 10.

an English subject, 'whatever power he could make by the faction of the Papists or other discontented persons would be so much deducted from the power of the realm.' 'A small faction of adversaries at home was more dangerous than thrice their number abroad;' and it was remembered that 'foreign powers had never prevailed in England but with the help of some at home.'

It had been observed and manifestly seen before this attempt at marriage, that in every corner of the realm the factions that most favoured the Scottish title had grown stout and bold;' 'they had shown themselves in the very Court itself;' and unless checked. promptly they would grow so great and dangerous as redress would be almost desperate.' 'Scarcely a third of the population were assured to be trusted in the matter of religion, upon which only string the Queen of Scots' title did hang;' and 'comfort had been given to the adversaries of religion in the realm to hope for change,' 'by means that the bishops had dealt straightly with some persons of good religion because they had forborne to wear certain apparel and such like things -being more of form and accident than any substance.' The pride and arrogancy of the Catholics had been increased' by the persecution of the Protestants; while if the bishops attempted to enforce conformity on the other side the judges and lawyers in the realm, being not the best affected in religion, did threaten them with premunire, and in many cases letted not to punish and defame them,'' so that they dared not execute the ecclesiastical laws.'

6

For much of all this the Queen was responsible. She it was who more than any other person had nursed 'the Scottish faction' at the Court. If the bishops had been too eager to persecute the Catholics, it was she who had compelled Parker to suspend the ablest of the Protestant ministers. But the sum of the perils was made so apparent as no one of the council could deny them to be both many and very dangerous.' They were agreed every one of them that the Queen must for the present relinquish her zeal for uniformity, and that the prosecutions of the clergy must cease till the question could be reconsidered by Parliament; they determined to require the oath of allegiance of the judges, so that they should for conscience' sake maintain the Queen's authority,' to replace the nonjuring bishops in the Tower, to declare forfeited all benefices held by ecclesiastics who were residing abroad, and to drive out a number of seditious monks and friars who had fled across the Border from Scotland and were serving as curates in the northern churches. Bedford meanwhile should go down to Berwick taking additional troops with him; the 'powers of the Border' should be held in readiness to move at an hour's notice; and a reserve be raised in London to march north in case of war. Lennox and Darnley might then be required to return to England on their allegiance. If they refused they would be declared traitors and their extradition demanded of the Queen of Scots under the treaties.

So far the council was unanimous. As to what should be done if the Queen of Scots refused to sur

render them opinions were divided. The bolder party were for declaring immediate war and sending an army to Edinburgh; others preferred to wait till events had shaped themselves more distinctly; all however agreed on the necessity of vigour, speed, and resolution. 'No persons deserving of mistrust were to be suffered to have any rule of her Majesty's subjects or lands in the north;' they might retain their fees,' but more trusty persons should have the rule of their people.' The Earl of Murray and his friends should be comforted and supported; and 'considering the faction and title of the Queen of Scots had for a long time received great countenance by the Queen's Majesty's favour shown to the said Queen and her ministers,' the council found themselves compelled to desire her Majesty 'by some exterior act to show some remission of her displeasure to the Lady Catherine and the Earl of Hertford.'

Further for it was time to speak distinctly, and her Majesty's mode of dealing in such matters being better known than appreciated—she was requested, after considering these advices, to choose which of them she liked, and put them in execution in deeds and not pass them over in consultations and speeches.1

Nor did the council separate without returning once more to the vexed question of the Queen's marriage.

The words in italics are under- | 1565: Cotton. MSS. CALIG. B. 10. lined in the original. Debates in Council, June 4, 1565: Scotch MSS. Rolls House.

Summary of consultations and advices given to her Majesty, June,