H and bodies to recover Calais, to maintain Newhaven and any war which might arise thereof;' but they were not so ready to contribute to the charge of supporting the army of the Protestants." The disposition of the people was the same as the disposition of the Queen; and Elizabeth, warned on many sides that she could not trust Condé, and only half trusting Coligny, wrote to Sir Thomas Smith that in a doubtful quarrel she could not press her subjects too far. He need not hint to the Admiral that there was 'any slackness' on her part; but 'she would be glad if some indirect means could be devised' to compose the religious difficulties-though 'toleration was not stablished so universally as the Admiral desired'-provided England could have its right in Calais and the members thereof,' and the money which she had lent Condé partially, if not wholly, repaid.2 Both Queen and country were falling back on the 'hollow dealing' which she had regretted so bitterly on the fall of Rouen; and then as ever it was found dangerous to follow private objects behind an affected zeal for a noble cause. Six thousand Englishmen paid with their lives for this trifling with Coligny, while the coveted Calais was forfeited for ever; the Huguenots obtained the half-toleration which Elizabeth desired for them; and they found the value of it on the day of St Bartholomew. But to return to the succession. 1 Elizabeth to Sir T. Smith, January 25: FORBES, vol. ii. In the interval of these discussions the address of the Commons was drawn; and on the 28th the Speaker with the whole House attended to present it in the gallery of the palace. Commencing with an elaborate compliment on the Queen's services to the country, Sir Thomas Williams proceeded to say that the nation required for their perfect security some assurance for the future. Her Majesty had been dangerously ill, and the Commons had supposed that in calling them together so soon after her recovery she had intended to use their assistance to come to some conclusion. He reminded her of Alexander's generals; he reminded her-more to the purpose of York and Lancaster; and the realm, he said, was beset with enemies within and without. There was 'a faction of heretics in her realm-contentious and malicious Papists-who, most unnaturally against their country, most madly against their own safety, and most treacherously against her Highness, not only hoped for the woful day of her death, but also lay in wait to advance some title under which they might revive their late unspeakable cruelties. The Commons saw nothing to withstand their desires but her only life; they feared much to what attempt the hope of such opportunitynothing withstanding them but her life-might move the Catholics; and they found how necessary it was that there should be more set and known between her Majesty's life and the unkindness and cruelty they intended to revive.' Ignorant as they were to whom the crown ought to descend, and being unable to judge of the limitation of the succession in King Henry's will, their first desire was that her Majesty would marry, their second that she would use the opportunity of the session to allow some successor in default of heirs of her body 'to be determined by Act of Parliament;' while they, on their part, for the preservation and surety of her Majesty and her issue,' would devise the most penal, sharp, and terrible statutes to all who should practise against her safety.' February. By the nomination of a Protestant successor Elizabeth had everything to gain; while, if Mary Stuart was acknowledged, her life would not be safe for a day. Her policy in every way was to acquiesce in the prayer of the Commons; and yet she listened with ill-concealed impatience. She said briefly that on a matter of such moment she could give no answer without further consideration, and she then abruptly turned her back on the deputation and withdrew.1 If de Quadra was rightly informed she had been half prevailed on to name the Earl of Huntingdon, with the condition that she herself should have Lord Robert. But Dudley had made no advances in the favour of the Peers, and Huntingdon was a Puritan and Dudley's brother-in-law; Lord Arundel, with the Howards, still inclined to Lady Catherine Grey, of whom the Queen could not endure to hear; and thus all parties were at issue. The Upper House followed the Lower with an ad 1 Con tanto les volvió las espaldas y se entró en su aposento.'-De Quadra to Philip, February 6: MS. Simancas. dress to the same purpose. Elizabeth said bitterly that 'the lines which they saw in her face were not wrinkles but small-pox marks; God had given children to St Elizabeth, and old as she was he might give children to her; if she appointed a successor it would deluge England in blood.'1 Both Houses were profoundly angry. The Protestants supposed that the Queen was sacrificing the Reformation and the country to her secret passion for Lord Robert; and that she was studiously allowing the Scottish Queen's pretensions to drift into tacit recognition. Day after day throughout the session the subject continued to be harped upon. A Bill was proposed by Cecil by which, if the Queen died, the privy council were to continue in office with imperial authority till Parliament could decide on the future sovereign. But this too came to nothing, and the Queen continued to give evasive answers till the prorogation of Parliament should leave her free again. 2 And yet the Protestant party were determined to carry something which should answer their purpose; and at once-though the first penal law had been lostenable them to hold down the Catholics, and in case of Elizabeth's death, to prevent Mary Stuart's succession.3 To check the exultation of Montague and his friends at their first success in Parliament, Cecil contrived another 1 De Quadra to Philip, February 6: MS. Simancas. 2 Draft of an Act of Parliament, in Cecil's hand: Domestic MSS. vol. xxviii. 3 'Esta ley contra los Catolicos no se ha hecho con otra fin mas principal que de excluir la de Escocia desta sucession por via indirecta.'— De Quadra to Philip, February 20. demonstration against de Quadra. On the day of the Purification the foreign Catholics in London came as usual in large numbers to hear mass at Durham Place. The guard at the gate took their names as they passed in; and before the service was over an officer of the palace guard entered from the river, arrested every Spaniard, Fleming, and Italian present, and carried them off to the Fleet. They were informed on their release that thenceforward no stranger, not even a casual visitor to the realm, should attend a service unsanctioned by the laws.1 On the 20th of February a Bill was introduced, by which, without mention of doctrine, Protestant or Catholic, all persons who maintained the Pope's authority or refused the oath of allegiance to the Queen, for the first offence should incur a premunire, for the second the pains of treason. Should the Bill pass it was believed to be the death-warrant of the imprisoned bishops; and even in the Lower House voices were raised in opposition. Cecil in a passionate speech declared that the House was bound in gratitude not to reject what was necessary for the Queen's security. Her life was in danger because she was the defender of English liberty; the King of Spain desired her to send representatives to Trent; she had refused, and he was threatening her with war; and the Pope was offering millions of gold to pay the cost of an invasion of England. The Queen herself would die before she would yield, but her subjects must stand 1 De Quadra to Philip, February 6 and February 20. |