$500,000 in compelling the Algerines to give up the American citizens, rather than pay $35,000 as a ransom!) "I vociferated against the measure and I suppose offended my colleagues. This thing of a fleet has been working among the members all the session." Feb. 11: "The obnoxious clause in the Excise Bill was the putting it in the power of the President to form districts by cutting up the states, so as to pay no respect for their boundaries. King (Rufus) de clared we had no right to pay any more Excise. attention to the state boundaries than to the boundaries of the Cham of Tartary." Annihilation of the state governments is undoubtedly the object of these people. The late conduct of the state legislatures has provoked them beyond bounds. With these two engines, an army and a navy, and the collateral aid derived from a host of revenue officers, farewell freedom in America!" In almost every important particular, these extracts indicate the attitude of the Republican party organized in 1791 and 1792 by Jefferson and Madison in opposition to the party of Hamilton. A morbid dislike of titles and presidential levees and speeches and Relations be tween Maclay's opinions of the Repub of everything that savored in the remotest and the creed degree of monarchy; a morbid distrust of lican party. the general government, a disposition to consider all its acts not from the point of view of their expediency, but of their capacity to enhance its power and importance, to consider its very moderate and modest military establishment as evidence of an intention to create a standing army, its Indian and Algerine wars as waged not to defend America against the outrages of savages and and pirates, but in order to fasten a permanent debt on the country and supply the means of corrupting Congress; an intense dislike of a navy as a natural foe to liberty; a disposition to regard France as representing liberty, and England, tyranny; above all, a disposition to regard the general government as a foreign government, and, therefore, to consider anything that looked like an encroachment on its part upon the state governments, as an attack upon liberty,-all these were eminently characteristic of the Republican party, and were probably characteristic of the majority of the American people in 1790 and 1791. The attitude of Senator Maclay towards Hamilton's financial policy was also characteristic of the Republican party. Not a line did the good senator write in commendation of the fact that Hamilton's policy at least restored the credit of the country. That feature of it was entirely Ground of objection to Hamilton's financial policy. concealed by two facts: (1) That it might be used as a means of corrupting members of Congress, and (2) that it had an undoubted tendency to strengthen the general government. Better a thousand times he seems to to say, that the debt of the government should not be paid, that it should not keep faith with its creditors, than that it should furnish the means of corrupting Congress, and of increasing the power of the central government. In three other particulars these extracts are worthy of careful note. They show that the independence and sovereignty of the state still seemed a living fact to this author. He could scarcely conceive that a federal law "passed directly against the sense of a whole state could ever be executed in that state." They show also that though he disliked the general government exceedingly, he acquiesced in it as necessary, and aimed only to confine its action within such limits as to prevent it from encroaching upon the states. Finally, they show that if he and those who thought with him had a morbid fear of the general government, that Hamilton was not the only Federalist who had a morbid distrust and dislike of the governments of the states. Indeed, the spring of all the bitterness and intensity of party passion that soon set the American people beside itself, was this: Each party regarded as the paramount and supreme necessity what the other regarded with morbid distrust and fear. Experience has shown that neither the state nor the general governments, as their powers are determined by the constitution, are to be regarded with distrust and suspicion. But the Americans of 1790 had no experience to guide them. QUESTIONS. 1. How does one's environment influence his opinions? 3. What was the difference between Northern Democracy and Virginia Republicanism? 4. Why, in your opinion did Maclay find Adams' opinions on titles offensive? 5. Why do you think he objected to Washington's levees? 6. How did Jefferson explain Washington's ceremony? 7. Why did Maclay object to the treaty clauses of the Constitution? 8. Do you know any attempt made by the Republicans in Washington's second administration in harmony with this objection? 9. What was the Judiciary act and why did he object to it? 10. Why did he object to Washington's speeches and the answers made by the two houses of Congress? 11. What were the certificates of which he spoke and what was the extent of their depreciation? 12. Why was he in favor of instructing Senators? 13. What did he think of the new government? 14. What did he think of sending ministers to foreign countries? Of the extravagance of the government? Of the excise? Of war with Algiers? 15. What was his opinion of state sovereignty? THE CHAPTER VII. THE FEDERALIST FINANCIAL POLICY. Leading trait in acter. HE LOVE of justice, stability and order was the leading trait in the political character of Alexander Hamilton. It was this that lead him to wish to subject the government of the states to the Federal government: The experience of the confederation, he thought, had proved that they could not be Hamilton's chartrusted to do justice, to promote stability, and to preserve order. In many of the states, during the period of the confederation, the owners of state debts had to lose from ten to seventeen shillings in the pound because the state government refused to enact laws which would insure justice to the holders of their securities. The same trait led him to desire an aristocratic republic. He thought none but property holders could be trusted to do justice to the rights of property. The objects of his financial policy were clearly stated in his first report upon the public credit, submitted to Congress in January, 1795, the report which Senator Maclay said would financial policy. damn his character as a Secretary forever. Object of his He says: "To justify and preserve the confidence of the most enlightened friends of good government; to promote the increasing respectability of the American name; |