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The preamble states: "Whereas feveral of the "laws made in this kingdom, relative to the edu "cation of Papifts, or perfons profeffing the "Popish religion, are confidered as too fevere, "and have not anfwered the defired effect."

This act repeals fo much of 7th Wm. III. c. 4. and 8th of Anne, c. 3. as fubjects Catholics, who hall publicly teach school, or privately instruct youth, to the like penalties as any Popish regular convict, provided they take the oaths. of 13th and 14th of George III. c. 35; and it enables Catholics, except ecclefiaftics, to be guardians.

Of the numerous individuals, who at this time distinguished themselves for their exertions in favour of the Catholics, there was no one to whom they were under greater obligations than to the late Mr. Burke. He wrote for them the Petition which was presented to the King in 1774. In the English Houfe of Commons in 1778 he was the first to declare the neceffity of conceffions being made to them; he said that "Ireland was "now the chief dependence of the British crown,

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"and that it particularly behoved that country to "admit the Irish nation to the privileges of Bri "tish citizens ;" and, in the year 1782, he wrote his celebrated letter to Lord Kenmare, in which he fo ably exposes the folly, injustice, and tyranny of the penal laws.

It certainly is a fact of no fmall importance in favour of the wifdom of unlimited conceffion to the Catholics, that this great statesman, the advocate for existing establishments, and who was the first and most formidable opponent to the progrefs of the jacobinical principles of France, should have advised it, and inceffantly forwarded it by his powerful talents and extenfive influence.

But the Catholics were indebted, not only to the labours of their friends, but also to the great revolution which was going on at this period in America, for the fuccefs of the first conceffions that were made to them. This appears very evident, from the failure of an attempt which was

8th Eng. Deb. p. 185, 1ft April, 1778.

made

made by Mr. James Fitzgerald, a few months be fore the introduction of the act of 17. 18. Geo. III. to obtain for them a power to take leafes for lands for 61 years. For, foon afterwards, when the intelligence arrived of the defeat of the British forces in America, the fame Parliament, on the recommendation of the government, passed an act for enabling them to take land on leafes for 999 years.

It was not, however, till the British government were obliged to tranfport the whole of the British army from Ireland to America, and thus leave it exposed to the attacks of France, that the Catholics became of fufficient importance in the eyes. either of their own Proteftant countrymen, or of the British government, to be attended to and careffed by them. The only alternative then left for the Proteftants to adopt, was either to promote a union of fects in the common defence of the kingdom; or to make up their minds to fall an eafy prey to the arms of France. Upon this principle of prefervation, by an oblivion of all paft animofities, the volunteers were embodied, and compofed indifcriminately of Catholics and Proteftants.

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Proteftants. But, in proportion as the danger of invafion diminished, they naturally turned their attention to the grievances that both fects experienced at the hands of the British government, and foon became an armed affociation for the attainment of political rights.

In this appeal to arms, in open refiftance to the power of Great Britain, for the purpose of compelling her to grant to Ireland the independence of her legislature, and a reform of her Parliament, the Proteftants took the lead. But the contention between them and the British government was not one of arms, because Great Britain had no troops with which to difpute with the volunteers, but one of political manoeuvring. It was plain, that to which ever party the Catholics attached themselves, victory would belong. The government, therefore, in order to secure them, paffed the acts of 1778 and 1782; while the Proteftants, on the other hand, endeavoured to conciliate them by public refolutions and declarations in favour of their complete emancipation. The Dungannon convention, which met in February 1782, and was compofed of the representatives of

Proteftant corps

143 of volunteers, resolved, with two diffenting voices only, "that they held the

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right of private judgment, in matters of religion, "to be equally facred in others as themselves; "therefore, that, as Chriftians and Proteftants, "they rejoiced in the relaxation of the penal laws against their Roman Catholic fellow-fubjects, "and that they conceived the measure to be

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fraught with the happiest confequences to the "union and profperity of Ireland."

Thefe liberal declarations on the part of this meeting, and the general tenor of the conduct of the Protestants throughout Ireland towards the Catholics, fecured their cordial concurrence, and the British Government were, at length, reluctantly obliged to concede the favourite object of an independent Irish legislature.

The Proteftants now proceeded to attempt to carry their other great object, a parliamentary reform; and, after the fenfe of the kingdom had been expreffed, at various public meetings, to be decidedly in favour of it, they determined to hold a convention in Dublin, for the purpose of im

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