generalization and application of the rule. James Bernoulli, in 1703, gave "a General Demonstration of the Centre of Oscillation, drawn from the nature of the Lever." In this demonstration he takes as a fundamental principle, that bodies in motion, connected by levers, balance, when the products of their momenta and the lengths of the levers are equal in opposite directions. For the proof of this proposition, he refers to Marriotte, who had asserted it of weights acting by percussion," and in order to prove it, had balanced the effect of a weight on a lever by the effect of a jet of water, and had confirmed it by other experiments." Moreover, says Bernoulli, there is no one who denies it. Still, this kind of proof was hardly satisfactory or elementary enough. John Bernoulli took up the subject after the death of his brother James, which happened in 1705. The former published in 1714 his Meditatio de Naturâ Centri Oscillationis. In this memoir, he assumes, as his brother had done, that the effects of forces on a lever in motion are distributed according to the common rules of the lever. The principal generalization which he introduced was, that he considered gravity as a force soliciting to motion, which might have different intensities in different bodies. At the same time, Brook Taylor in England solved the problem, upon the same principles as Bernoulli; and the question of priority on this subject was one point in the angry intercourse which, about this time, became common between the English mathematicians and those of the Continent. Hermann also, in his Phoronomia, published in 1716, gave a proof which, as he informs us, he had devised before he saw John Bernoulli's. This proof is founded on the statical equivalence of the "solicitations of gravity," and the "vicarious solicitations" which correspond to the actual motion of each part; or, as it has been expressed by more modern writers, the equilibrium of the impressed and effective forces. It was shown by John Bernoulli and Hermann, and was indeed easily proved, that the proposition assumed by Huyghens as the foundation of his solution, was, in fact, a consequence of the elementary principles which belong to this branch of mechanics. But this assumption of Huyghens was an example of a more general proposition, which by some mathematicians at this time had been put forward as an original and elementary law; and as a principle which ought to supersede the usual measure of the forces of bodies in motion; this principle they called "the Conservation of Vis Viva." The attempt to 10 Choq. des Corps, p. 296. Op. ii. 930. 12 P. 172. make this change was the commencement of one of the most obstinate and curious of the controversies which form part of the history of mechanical science. The celebrated Leibnitz was the author of the new opinion. In 1686, he published, in the Leipsic Acts, "A short Demonstration of a memorable Error of Descartes and others, concerning the natural law by which they think that God always preserves the same quantity of motion; in which they pervert mechanics." The principle that the same quantity of motion, and therefore of moving force, is always preserved in the world, follows from the equality of action and reaction; though Descartes had, after his fashion, given a theological reason for it; Leibnitz allowed that the quantity of moving force remains always the same, but denied that this force is measured by the quantity of motion or momentum. He maintained that the same force is requisite to raise a weight of one pound through four feet, and a weight of four pounds through one foot, though the moinenta in this case are as one to two. This was answered by the Abbé de Conti; who truly observed, that allowing the effects in the two cases to be equal, this did not prove the forces to be equal; since the effect, in the first case, was produced in a double time, and therefore it was quite consistent to suppose the force only half as great. Leibnitz, however, persisted in his innovation; and in 1695 laid down the distinction between vires mortuæ, or pressures, and vires vivæ, the name he gave to his own measure of force. He kept up a correspondence with John Bernoulli, whom he converted to his peculiar opinions on this subject; or rather, as Bernoulli says, made him think for himself, which ended in his proving directly that which Leibnitz had defended by indirect reasons. Among other arguments, he had pretended to show (what is certainly not true), that if the common measure of forces be adhered to, a perpetual motion would be possible. It is easy to collect many cases which admit of being very simply and conveniently reasoned upon by means of the vis viva, that is, by taking the force to be proportional to the square of the velocity, and not to the velocity itself. Thus, in order to give the arrow twice the velocity, the bow must be four times as strong; and in all cases in which no account is taken of the time of producing the effect, we may conveniently use similar methods. 13 But it was not till a later period that the question excited any general notice. The Academy of Sciences of Paris in 1724 proposed 13 Op. iii. 40. as a subject for their prize dissertation the laws of the impact of bodies. Bernoulli, as a competitor, wrote a treatise, upon Leibnitzian principles, which, though not honored with the prize, was printed by the Academy with commendation." The opinions which he here defended and illustrated were adopted by several mathematicians; the controversy extended from the mathematical to the literary world, at that time more attentive than usual to mathematical disputes, in consequence of the great struggle then going on between the Cartesian and the Newtonian system. It was, however, obvious that by this time the interest of the question, so far as the progress of Dynamics was concerned, was at an end; for the combatants all agreed as to the results in each particular case. The Laws of Motion were now established; and the question was, by means of what definitions and abstractions could they be best expressed;-a metaphysical, not a physical discussion, and therefore one in which "the paper philosophers," as Galileo called them, could bear a part. In the first volume of the Transactions of the Academy of St. Petersburg, published in 1728, there are three Leibnitzian memoirs by Hermann, Bullfinger, and Wolff. In England, Clarke was an angry assailant of the German opinion, which S'Gravesande maintained. In France, Mairan attacked the vis viva in 1728; "with strong and victorious reasons," as the Marquise du Chatelet declared, in the first edition of her Treatise on Fire.' But shortly after this praise was published, the Chateau de Cirey, where the Marquise usually lived, became a school of Leibnitzian opinions, and the resort of the principal partisans of the vis viva. "Soon," observes Mairan, "their language was changed; the vis viva was enthroned by the side of the monads." The Marquise tried to retract or explain away her praises; she urged arguments on the other side. Still the question was not decided; even her friend Voltaire was not converted. In 1741 he read a memoir On the Measure and Nature of Moving Forces, in which he maintained the old opinion. Finally, D'Alembert in 1743 declared it to be, as it truly was, a mere question of words; and by the turn which Dynamics then took, it ceased to be of any possible interest or importance to mathematicians. The representation of the laws of motion and of the reasonings depending on them, in the most general form, by means of analytical language, cannot be said to have been fully achieved till the time of D'Alembert; but as we have already seen, the discovery of these laws 14 Discours sur les Loix de la Communication du Mouvement. 15 Mont. iii. 640. had taken place somewhat earlier; and that law which is more par ticularly expressed in D'Alembert's Principle (the equality of the action gained and lost) was, it has been seen, rather led to by the general current of the reasoning of mathematicians about the end of the seventeenth century than discovered by any one. Huyghens, Marriotte, the two Bernoullis, L'Hôpital, Taylor, and Hermann, have each of them their name in the history of this advance; but we cannot ascribe to any of them any great real inductive sagacity shown in what they thus contributed, except to Huyghens, who first seized the principle in such a form as to find the centre of oscillation by means of it. Indeed, in the steps taken by the others, language itself had almost made the generalization for them at the time when they wrote; and it required no small degree of acuteness and care to distinguish the old cases, in which the law had already been applied, from the new cases, in which they had to apply it. CHAPTER VI. SEQUEL TO THE GENERALIZATION OF THE PRINCIPLES OF MECHANICS.PERIOD OF MATHEMATICAL DEDUCTION.-ANALYTICAL MECHANICS. WE have now finished the history of the discovery of Mechanical Principles, strictly so called. The three Laws of Motion, generalized in the manner we have described, contain the materials of the whole structure of Mechanics; and in the remaining progress of the science, we are led to no new truth which was not implicitly involved in those previously known. It may be thought, therefore, that the narrative of this progress is of comparatively small interest. Nor do we maintain that the application and development of principles is a matter of so much importance to the philosophy of science, as the advance towards and to them. Still, there are many circumstances in the latter stages of the progress of the science of Mechanics, which well deserve notice, and make a rapid survey of that part of its history indispensable to our purpose. The Laws of Motion are expressed in terms of Space and Number; the development of the consequences of these laws must, therefore, be performed by means of the reasonings of mathematics; and the science of Mechanics may assume the various aspects which belong to the different modes of dealing with mathematical quantities. Mechanics, like pure mathematics, may be geometrical or may be analytical; that is, it may treat space either by a direct consideration of its properties, or by a symbolical representation of them: Mechanics, like pure mathematics, may proceed from special cases, to problems and methods of extreme generality;-may summon to its aid the curious and refined relations of symmetry, by which general and complex conditions are simplified;-may become more powerful by the discovery of more powerful analytical artifices;-may even have the generality of its principles further expanded, inasmuch as symbols are a more general language than words. We shall very briefly notice a series of modifications of this kind. 1. Geometrical Mechanics, Newton, &c.-The first great systematical Treatise on Mechanics, in the most general sense, is the two first Books of the Principia of Newton. In this work, the method employed is predominantly geometrical: not only space is not represented symbolically, or by reference to number; but numbers, as, for instance, those which measure time and force, are represented by spaces; and the laws of their changes are indicated by the properties of curve lines. It is well known that Newton employed, by preference, methods of this kind in the exposition of his theorems, even where he had made the discovery of them by analytical calculations. The intuitions of space appeared to him, as they have appeared to many of his followers, to be a more clear and satisfactory road to knowledge, than the operations of symbolical language. Hermann, whose Phoronomia was the next great work on this subject, pursued a like course; employing curves, which he calls "the scale of velocities," "of forces," &c. Methods uearly similar were employed by the two first Bernoullis, and other mathematicians of that period; and were, indeed, so long familiar, that the influence of them may still be traced in some of the terms which are used on such subjects; as, for instance, when we talk of "reducing a problem to quadratures," that is, to the finding the area of the curves employed in these methods. 2. Analytical Mechanics. Euler.-As analysis was more cultivated, it gained a predominancy over geometry; being found to be a far more powerful instrument for obtaining results; and possessing a beauty and an evidence, which, though different from those of geometry, had great attractions for minds to which they became familiar. The person who did most to give to analysis the generality and sym |