And having participated in a number of those conventions, if I may interject, I can say that a Vice President is often chosen the way we come to be born, at a time when our progenitors have their minds on quite other matters. To conclude the editorial: Further delay would be as unconscionable as it is unnecessary. The hearings in both Houses should proceed with dispatch, and a vote should be taken well before the Christmas recess. The United States, as Mr. Ford said, needs a Vice President. Now. And then Mr. Robert Roth of the Bulletin on November 5, 1974. Mr. Roth is a respected correspondent, who is far more often critical of my party, although he is being critical of both, when he writes, and I again excerpt only: President Ford did his part promptly when he became President. He nominated Nelson Rockefeller for the standby post. But Congress has not done its part of the job and obviously is in no hurry to. The justification for this procrastination has been piously pleaded by a number of It says "member of Congressmen' number of Congressmen who have pointed out that it is their duty to examine with the utmost thoroughness the merits and demerits of a man who might become President not by popular vote but by congressional sufferance. They cite the need for meticulous examination of Rockefeller's income tax payments and gifts and the way he may or may not have used his great wealth to enhance his political power. Those are good justifications, up to a point. But they do not alter the fact that Congress could by now have completed its investigation and voted the Rockefeller nomination up or down, had it wanted to. It didn't for a number of reasons which had nothing to do with Rockefeller's qualifications or lack of them. And some six reasons are cited. And I ask unanimous consent to include these two articles in the record, Mr. Chairman. The CHAIRMAN. Without objection, they will be made a part of the record. [The articles referred to follow:] [From the Philadelphia Enquirer, Nov. 10, 1974] IT'S TIME FOR A DECISION ON NELSON ROCKEFELLER President Ford, says his press secretary, will be sending Congress a list of priority requests when it returns to Washington Nov. 18, and among them will be confirmation of Nelson Rockefeller as Vice President. "The President really believes that the United States needs a Vice President and that he should be confirmed as soon as possible," according to Press Secretary Ron Nessen. That is reasonable enough. At the least, Congress should act one way or another instead of leaving Mr. Rockefeller twisting slowly in the wind indefinitely. Some time ago Sen. Robert Byrd, the Democratic whip in the Senate, said he wasn't sure Mr. Ford was decisive enough to be President because it had taken him so long to make up his mind on a vice presidential nominee. Well, it took Mr. Ford 11 days; he became President on Aug. 9 and announced his choice of Mr. Rockefeller on Aug. 20. That was almost three months ago, and yet Congress still has not said yes or no. So what does that tell us about the decisiveness of the legislative branch? It is one thing to be thorough, but it is another to drag out these proceedings for reasons which have nothing to do with Nelson's Rockefeller's qualifications. The suspicion lingers that before the election there was foot-dragging on the Democratic side to keep Mr. Rockefeller out of the campaign and to exploit the questions which had been raised about his nomination. Now there is talk of holding off until next year so the new-and more heavily Democratic-Congress can put the nominee on the grill. Meanwhile, on the Republican side no less a personage than National Chairman Mary Louise Smith has conceded that conservative GOP opposition springs partly from "a philosophical difference within our party.” We do not doubt that some congressmen and senators are genuinely troubled by disclosures about the gifts Mr. Rockefeller has bestowed so lavishly around the political community, among other places. Sooner or later, however, they must decide whether this disqualifies him from the nation's second highest office. Our own view is that nothing which has come to light so far should bar this strong and distinguished American leader from the vice presidency. The point we want to make here, however, is that Congress should get on with a decision no matter what it is and it should base that decision on the merits of the nomination instead of extraneous political considerations. After all this time, the legislators can hardly be accused of acting in haste, And, having watched so many of these same men and women blindly ratify 11th hour vice-presidential nominees at political conventions, we view with some skepticism the extravagant caution they now profess. Further delay would be as unconscionable as it is unnecessary. The hearings in both houses should proceed with dispatch, and a vote should be taken well before the Christmas recess. The United States, as Mr. Ford said, needs a Vice President. Now. [From the Philadelphia Bulletin, Nov. 5, 1974] THE VOTE ON 'ROCKY' (By Robert Roth: Waiting Game) WASHINGTON.-The trouble with reform is that it so often fails to accomplish what it sets out to do. A prime example of this is the 25th Amendment to the Constitution which was enacted to make sure that the country would never be without a vice president ready, if the need should arise, to step into the President's shoes. We have been without a vice president now for three months and are likely to be for several months more. The Constitution provides that "when ever there is a vacancy in the office of the vice president, the President shall nominate a vice president who shall take office upon confirmation by a majority voted both houses of Congress." President Ford did his part promptly when he became President. He nominated Nelson Rockefeller for the standby post. But Congress has not done its part of the job and obviously is in no hurry to. Informed observers now think it probable that action on Rockefeller will be postponed until a new Congress is in session next year. If that should happen there would inevitably be further delay while Congress went through process of organizing itself for a new session. The postponement could last until February, or even beyond. The justification for this procrastination has been piously pleaded by a number of congressmen who have pointed out that it is their duty to examine with the utmost thoroughness the merits and demerits of a man who might become President not by popular vote but by congressional sufference. They cite the need for meticulous examination of Rockefeller's income tax payments and gifts and the way he may or may not have used his great wealth to enhance his political power. Those are good justifications, up to a point. But they do not alter the fact that Congress could by now have completed its investigations and voted the Rockefeller nomination up or down, had it wanted to. It didn't for a number of reasons which had nothing to do with Rockefeller's qualifications or lack of them. Quick confirmation of Rockefeller would have freed him to participate actively in the 1974 campaign, a prospect which most Democrats found unenchanting. Now that the campaign is over, some at least have misgivings upon insuring him a place on the 1976 Republican ticket since he (Rockefeller) is the Republican who would probably give Democrats the most trouble. The Republicans aren't in any hurry, either. The conservative wing never wanted him anyway and is making the most of justification to back away from him. And Republican politicians are wary of giving Rockefeller an endorsement which might come back to haunt them two years later. To prevent this kind of problem from arising again it has been proposed that the Constitution again be amended to provide for a special election whenever the office of vice president is vacant. No such amendment could of course be enacted in time to affect the present situation. It also is opposed by many who are hesitant about changing the Constitution to meet a special set of circumstances the removal of both a President and a vice president from office at almost the same time-which might never recur. So we shall have to wait until Congress gets around to doing something about Rockefeller, one way or the other. Meanwhile, we must live with the prospect that if anything should happen to President Ford his successor would be Speaker of the House Carl Albert, of Oklahoma, who is not in the best of health, and after him the President pro tem of the Senate, James Eastland of Mississippi, who is not by any reckoning in the mainstream of American political life. Senator HUGH SCOTT. Finally, I met with the President this morning at breakfast, and I learned from him what I have also seen in the press, that the President has the assurances of the Speaker of the House and Chairman Peter Rodino to press on with these hearings. Perhaps I ought to say to begin to press on with these hearings, or to start to begin to press on with these hearings. I believe there will be a meeting of the House Judiciary Committee. on November 21. I understand that the Speaker now believes that action on this nomination is possible before Christmas. I sincerely hope so. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Senator Scott. May I add one further note? We are delighted to see that Mrs. Rockefeller is able to be with you here today. I have a great deal of sympathy for you, having had a sister and mother with similar types of experiences. Senator HUGH SCOTT. I would like to join in that. I am sure the whole committee does. The CHAIRMAN. Now, Governor, I will swear you. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give before this committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? Mr. ROCKEFELLER. I do, so help me God, Senator. The CHAIRMAN. Governor, you may proceed with your statement. STATEMENT OF NELSON A. ROCKEFELLER, NOMINEE FOR VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES Mr. ROCKEFELLER. Mr. Chairman, distinguished members of the Comimttee on Rules and Administration of the U.S. Senate, believe me, it is a privilege to have the opportunity of appearing before you again, and I look forward again to answering freely and fully any and all questions. In light of the list of special questions that you have in mind, I would like to say that I have a full document for submission to the committee and will make it available to the press, and with your permission I should like to read excerpts from it and then can return, under questioning, to more specifics as we go along. But it is all here. The CHAIRMAN. That will be satisfactory. [The written statement of Mr. Rockefeller, including an audit of his income taxes for the years 1969-73, a summary of his political contributions for the years 1956-74, and Mrs. Rockefeller's political gifts for the years 1963-74, follows:] STATEMENT OF NELSON A. ROCKEFELLER, NOMINEE FOR VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES NOVEMBER 13, 1974. Mr. Chairman, Distinguished Members of the Committee on Rules and Administration of the United States Senate: It is a privilege to have the opportunity of appearing before you again, and I look forward again to answering freely and fully, any and all questions. A great deal of the information which I had originally submitted to various Federal investigators has found its way piecemeal into the press, where it has been variously interpreted. Therefore, I especially welcome this opportunity to clarify the record, which has become somewhat confused since my last appearance before you seven weeks ago. May I take this opportunity, Mr. Chairman, to express my appreciation to you and the other members of your committee, and to your extremely able staff, for your cooperation, courtesy and consideration throughout this period. As I mentioned before, I recognize the tremendous responsibility you have as members of the Rules Committee, as do the other members of Congress under the 25th Amendment, representing the American people in passing upon my qualifications to become Vice President of the United States. These are difficult days for everyone. Since I appeared before you in September, the situation in the world has become even more serious. There is growing concern about inflation and unemployment throughout the industrial and developing nations. These concerns weigh heavily upon every family in America-particularly those on fixed incomes. The governments of all free nations were wrestling with these problems. Past solutions have seemed inadequate in the face of the continuing acceleration of change throughout the world. Frustration and pessimism are prevalent. Despite all this, I'm optimistic about the future. Americans have traditionally responded to crises with faith and courage, imagination and vision. Americans have a unique capacity to come up with new conceptual thinking and creative solutions. Free people, with a heritage of deep religious faith, have the inner strength and will necessary to face the unknown and meet new problems. The great upheavals around the world today, caused by the crises and dislocations in energy, food, raw materials, balance of payments and inflation, have created unprecedented problems. But we should not overlook the fact that these critical upheavals are creating, at the same time, unique opportunities to achieve a better future for all. The very process of meeting and solving these new problems provides in itself the most extraordinary challenges and opportunities. If we move intelligently and decisively on all fronts: We can deal with the political aspects of the problems both at home and abroad; We can restore sound growth and protect the ecology; We can increase employment opportunities; We can bring back the balance between production and demand; We can control inflation; And we can continue to improve the quality of life for all. It is not going to be easy. It is going to take self-discipline and sacrifice. But it is the most important and exciting challenge America has ever faced. It can be done--and in my opinion it will be done. And I'm convinced that a better nation and a better world will emerge. I have abiding faith in the American people; In our system of democracy and individual initiative; In the limitless potentials of science and technology; In our organizational genius and productive capacity; And in our national destiny as the champion of respect for human dignity and freedom in the world. I love this country-and I have tried throughout my life to serve it. I have worked in government at Federal, state and local levels. In addition to having served the people of New York State as their Governor for 15 years, from 1959 through 1973, I have had the privilege of working closely with and for six Presidents of the United States: For President Roosevelt, as Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs and as Assistant Secretary of State for American Republic Affairs; (1940-45). For President Truman, as Chairman of his Advisory Committee on International Economic Development-a blueprint to carry out his Point Four Program; (1947-'49). For President Eisenhower, as Chairman of his committee on government For President Nixon, as head of an official mission to twenty Latin American countries to review and recommend U.S. policy in the Western Hemisphere and as a member of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board; (1969-74). And now. President Ford has done me the great honor of nominating me under the 25th Amendment to be his Vice President. In these varied public capacities, as well as in my private activities, I have always tried to approach the problems of people, whether as individuals, or as groups, or as a nation, with understanding but with imagination and within a conceptual framework that would reflect the best interests of all. All during these years, like anyone else, I've had some successes and I've had some failures. But I've always tried to do my best. › When I first appeared before you at the start of these hearings, I submitted a statement of my personal and family background and of the philosophy of responsibility and stewardship in respect to wealth that has been our family ethic. As you will recall from my earlier testimony, that ethic consisted of religious feeling, hard work, and the recognition that "Every right implies a responsibility; every opportunity an obligation; every possession a duty." That family heritage is essential to any fair understanding of my lifetime of giving to charity and of helping on a personal basis friends and those in need. I have been more fortunate in material things than most Americans and therefore felt a greater sense of responsibility to use material assets for the good of others and to commit myself to the service of the public. Unfortunately, the tradition of sharing with others seems now to have become a political issue. Comparatively, millions of other Americans give more, in terms of personal Sacrifice, than either myself or my family. This is all within the framework of our great and distinctively American tradition of personal charity, of sharing and of love for each other. These are things that one does not normaly talk about. I do not enjoy talking about them here. It is in recognition of the extraordinary nature of the responsibility borne by the Congress that I have made available all information requested by this Senate Committee, or by the Judiciary Committee of the House and the Joint Committee on Internal Revenue Taxation. You are familiar with the extent of the submissions I have made with respect to my finances, tax returns, business ventures, loans, gifts, investments and the like. In the course of this process, I have voluntarily yielded up, in an extraordinary measure, the right of privacy that is a protected privilege in our society. This does not mean that I do not prize my own privacy. Rather it is that I recognize that no individual's right of privacy is absolute. The claim to privacy must yield in the presence of a compelling public interest. Unquestionably, there are limits beyond which it is not appropriate for me to go when the privacy of other persons may be linked with my own--especially when they are private citizens and no compelling public interest is served by exposing them to unreasonable publicity. Where the line is to be drawn and how the balance is to be made in any particular instance is difficult both for you and for me. I know you share with me a sense of constraint not to subject my friends and associates to unreasonable publicity about their personal lives and family affairs. No one of us will have served our nation well if in the process of these hearings we are insensitive to the values of personal privacy which are fundamental to our form of society. 40-185 074 - 31 |