Mr. ROCKEFELLER. Now, in conclusion, I cannot close without turning finally from these necessary details, to the great questions before us. You are concerned on behalf of the American people-we are all concerned-with the question of whether it is dangerous, too dangerous, to have a person of great personal wealth potentially in the line of succession to the power of the Presidency.

Now, I pray that, if I should be confirmed, the question of my reaching the Presidency via this special constitutional process will

never come up;

That no terrible calamity will require that I assume the Presidency; But there is nonetheless the issue before Congress and the American people in these confirmation proceedings:

Namely, whether someone like myself, who has whatever private power great wealth brings should also be entrusted with the public power of the Presidency.

Let me try to look that question straight in the eye and give it as honest and thoughtful an answer as I can.

First, I do not want to minimize the problem or cut the question down to comfortable size.

No, we are really talking about wealth in potential combination with the great power of the Presidency.

The details of my personal fortune are now a matter of public record, more fully on the record than has ever been the case for any other nominee for public office.

It does not happen to be nearly so great as many have imagined. But that is beside the point.

I am proud to acknowledge that I come from a family known for hard work and success and the wealth it has achieved-and I hope, known for its philanthropy and public service.

And my private wealth is to say the least quite enough to be abused; That is, if I were the kind of man to do so and if the American political system permitted wealth to be used uncontrollably.

Let me deal especially with the last point. Whether the American political system permits wealth to be used dangerously. Now wealth is almost everywhere a potential source of power. That seems to be in the nature of things: Wealth almost always gives a person an edge. Let me say that we in this room, who have been working politicians all know, and what all thoughtful Americans know.

It is this:

Political authority, the only enduring kind of political power, is not for sale in the American political system. Yes, you can buy some influence, you can bribe and win sordid games, your wealth can purchase a piece of political power here or there. And we also know that with raw political power without wealth, you can buy some influence, you can bribe and in some sordid games, and you can acquire some personal wealth here and there.

But great political authority in America comes only from the free gift of the people when they vote for you.

Wealth only leads to true political power here when it has been transmitted by our constitutional arrangement into public authority. Let me say that I know something personally about the difference between private power and public authority.

Four times I was honored by the people of my State: that is, four

times, my private energy, resources, knowledge, and experience were turned into public authority by the votes of the people of my State. And I deeply appreciated those electoral victories. But I also know just as well the disappointment of defeat when the voters of my own party rejected my bids for their nomination.

Whatever my personal qualities and private resources, they counted for nothing because I failed on those occasions to receive the authority from my party. I have learned therefore through both victory and defeat the limited value of private resources whatever they are.

I have spoken personally about my own victories and my own defeats. I must say something more in this personal vein. It is embar rassing to have to speak about one's self in this way. But I believe the American people will appreciate that I must.

The abstract questions about private wealth and the power of the Presidency come from finally to a direct personal question about my being in the line of succession.

Am I the kind of man who would use his wealth improprely in public office? Or, more generally and more importantly, would my family background somehow limit and blind me, so that I would not be able to see and serve the general good of all Americans? I think the answer is "No."

I have held public office under six Presidents. I have been elected 4 times and served for 15 years as Governor of the State of New York.

And I think the record speaks for itself.

Let us remember that we are all limited to some extent by our backgrounds, that all American politicians must rise above the limitations of their private backgrounds.

Poverty too can blind a man or a woman. Some never rise above the hungry resentments of early hardships.

Others never rise above a merely regional background to achieve a national viewpoint.

We must achieve a viewpoint that embraces the well-being of all Americans.

I believe that my 40-year public career demonstrates that I have tried, and at least partially succeeded, to rise to achieve a broad national outlook.

It is the unbought voice of the American people that here ultimately determines everything.

And when you are in office, true authority in office depends upon a Governor or a President winning the collaboration of the legislative body.

Authority in office comes only through public support and the cooperation of all three branches under our separation of powers.

And indeed, under our system of Federal decentralization, the system functions effectively only through the willing cooperation of Federal, State, and local government.

That is what I have in mind when I say that the American constitutional system is the greatest arrangement ever devised for taming private power and moderating it into public authority.

There are all kinds of private power-individual and family, corporate, trade unions, and voluntary associations.

There is not only wealth, but also political family connections; it is

inevitable that the sons and daughters of famous political families start life with an edge. We see examples of this every day in America. And there is also strength, sheer physical stamina, and there is intelligence, and there is eloquence, and there is personal appearance.

All these are among the many sources of private power. Nothing can change that; it is a fact of human nature.

But in corrupt or tyrannical systems, those with power rule and they rule corruptly or tryannically.

But here in America, it is the magic and majesty of our constitutional order that all of the sources of private power are in the long run. tamed and domesticated.

Wealth or any other private advantage is here only an advantage for a moment at the start.

I believe my life demonstrates that my purpose has always been to serve the best interests of-and hopefully to earn the good opinion of my fellow citizens by a devotion to public service. of—my

It is not for me here to say how well I have performed by public duties.

But I can and do say that my interest in service to the American Republic is greater than any interest I have in family wealth or in family position.

And that my puropse in serving my fellow citizens and in earning their good opinion has secured and will always secure my fidelity to any public trust.

I thank you, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, and I look forward to full and free and frank discussion.

Thank you very much.

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much, Governor.

As a preface to several lines of questioning I will shortly pursue, I would like to make a comment or two concerning the really critical issues in my view that will be developed during your appearance before the committee.

I sincerely feel, as it was so capably pointed out by Senator Byrd during your last appearance before the committee, and to which you have just referred, that the real basic concern of the citizens of this country regarding your nomination is the fear of the wedding of great economic and great political power and its potential abuse. Especially important in this context, I feel, are specific examples of situations where you and your family have utilized your economic resources to advance your political interests.

You have previously stated before the committee that your economic power is largely a myth. This power becomes much less mythical when concrete examples of large gifts and loans to persons serving in official positions is made public, and also when information is made public concerning questionable campaign activities by your family.

I feel the answers you provide to questions in these areas are of critical importance to the consideration of your nomination.

With respect to the tax data, it is, of course, a violation of law for people to release unauthorized information along those lines. I have requested of the joint committee information as to what extent the committee can go in its questioning in your appearance before the committee with respect to information from the audit by the joint

committee.

At this point, I want to make a part of the record a letter from Mr.