the facts. But now ex in the the road between the reactionaries, desire to play politics and gratify on the one hand, and the extreme what was supposed to be a popular radicals on the other." At Peoria, desire for the reduction of duties, Ill., Sept. 22, he said: "We middlethey did not hesitate to adopt all the of-the-road people who are not defective methods of previous tariff tremists are, we believe, the real revision, which they had denounced. Progressives, because you do not No tariff bill within any make progress by great strides; you one's recollection has ever been make progress step by step." passed with so little care. The other two revenue measures were really impromptu. They were plainly measures made with the hope that by the veto which they had every reason to expect, they might invite popular hostility toward the Executive. Never in the history of the government, I venture to say, have important public interests been dealt with in such a light-hearted way, with such absolute ignorance of the effect of legislation and with such willingness to sacrifice business interests to political exigencies as in the present legislation." that By the end of the Special Session the leading Progressives had come out openly against President Taft's administration and against his renomination. Senator Cummins of Iowa issued a signed statement September 5, in which he said: "My general conclusion is in every struggle which has taken place since Mr. Taft became President, upon vital things his allies and supporters have been the Senators and members of the House who are known from one border of the country to the other as reactionaries or stand-patters and not Progressives." He then criticised the President's attitude on public questions under eight heads, the most important being his defense of the Payne-Aldrich tariff, his vetoes of the tariff bills of the special session and of the resolution admitting Arizona, his substitution of a corporation in place of an income tax in the Payne-Aldrich bill, his advocacy of reciprocity, and his attitude towards conservation. President Taft has continually insisted that he is himself progressive, that he has dedicated the whole strength of his administration to securing advanced legislation, and that he "is going along in the middle of The first contest for state political support between the friends of the President and the Progressives occurred in the Nebraska Republican Convention, July 25, where the supporters of the President secured by a very large majority a "hearty endorsement of the statesmanlike ministration of William H. Taft.” ad Roosevelt's Attitude.-Ex-President Roosevelt has continued to use his powerful influence in favor of progressive measures. In a letter to the Progressive Republicans in Jersey City, the last of January, he wrote: anything else. I am a Progressive-I could not be We must work and we must fight for the restoration of popular rule, striving to secure the direct primary, strict election laws, and corrupt practises acts, the popular election of United States Senators, the direct nomination of delegates to Presidential conventions, and, with careful limitations and safeguards, the referendum and initiative, where these are shown to be needed. In a series of articles in the Outlook, beginning Jan. 14, he presented the creed of Progressive Nationalism, following the lines of his speeches on his Western trip in 1910. He has avoided active discussion of either Canadian reciprocity or the tariff bills passed by the special session, but has declared his opposition to certain of President Taft's measures. In different numbers of the Outlook he disapproved the veto of the Arizona statehood bill, the President's anti-trust policy and his release of government land on Controller Bay, Alaska, and most vigorously denounced the arbitration treaties with Great Britain and France. He has declined to be a candidate for the Republican Presidential nomination. Writing to the Pitsburgh Leader, Aug. 22, he said: "I must ask not only you but every friend I a declaration of principles, drawn up by Ex-Secretary Garfield, C. E. Merriam and Amos Pichot; and endorsed Senator La Follette as their candidate for the presidency. "The Progressive movement," the declaration states, "is a struggle to wrest the control of the government in the nation and states from representatives of special privilege and restore it to the control of the people." The most important resolution related to the trust issue, and reads: have, to see to it that no movement | met in Chicago Oct. 16, and adopted whatever is made to bring me forward for the nomination in 1912. ... I should esteem it a genuine calamity if such a movement were undertaken." The appearance of his Outlook article of Nov. 18, however, in which he severely criticised Mr. Taft's policy, was widely regarded as a tacit announcement that he was a candidate for the Presidential nomination. Within a week, the Garfield Club of Ohio, at its annual dinner, Nov. 21, gave him its public endorsement. But a few days later the Philadelphia North American published the following authorized statement, called forth by various rumors as to his political intentions: "Col. Roosevelt will not support any man for the nomination in 1912, neither Mr. Taft nor anyone else As to himself (he) wishes the statement Progressive California.-A notable triumph for progressive measures was won at the California election Oct. 10. Twenty-three constitutional amendments, all of a progressive or radical character, were ratified by varying majorities. The initiative and referendum were carried by about 60,000; the recall, including the recall of judges, by about 100,000; and woman suffrage by a little over 2,000. Other amendments granted larger powers to the state railroad commission; gave greater privileges to cities and counties in making their Own charters; and adopted the so-called short ballot. The extent of the progressive victory is shown by the unusually large majority given in favor of the recall of judges, a measure recently condemned by President Taft. Conference of Progressive Republicans.-Two hundred Progressives It is The present condition of uncertainty in business is intolerable. worse than idle to leave the question of whether great business enterprises are legal or not, merely to judicial determination. Industrial corporations should, by affirmative legislative enactment, be given definite rules of conduct by which business shall be made safe and stable, while at the same time the interests of the public should be fully safeguarded. The direct primary for selecting presidential nominees was favored; but no mention was made in the resolutions of the tariff, conservation or the recall. The importance of Senator La Follette's endorsement was much lessened by the fact that all of the Progressive Senators, except Crawford and Clapp, and most of the promi nent Progressive Congressmen and Governors remained away from the conference. The National Progressive Republican League, organized in January, has not declared itself in favor of either La Follette or any other candidate. The La Follette Campaign.-Even before his formal endorsement by a part of the Progressives, Senator La Follette had opened extensive headquarters in Washington, from which his supporters have been carrying on, systematically, a wide-spread and energetic campaign to secure for him the Republican presidential nomination. NATIONAL POLITICS IN 1911 The struggle for political advan- the past year on account of the aptage between the two great parties proaching Presidential election. The and for leadership within these par- important political questions before ties has been especially keen during the public, which, however, have not been clear-cut issues between the Republicans and the Democrats, have already been described, as well as the views of President Taft and ExPresident Roosevelt, the two most influential Republican leaders. Senator La Follette.-The only avowed candidate for the Republican nomination in opposition to Mr. Taft has been Senator Robert M. La Follette. Born in Wisconsin in 1855, he was District-Attorney at 23, a Congressman from 1885 to 1891, Governor of Wisconsin from 1901 to 1905, and United States Senator from 1905 to the present. From his earliest political experience, as he has explained in his autobiography now appearing in the American Magazine, he has fought the existing party machine and relied upon direct personal appeal to the individual voters. His national reputation began when, as Governor, he made Wisconsin a thoroughly progressive state by such laws as those providing for direct primaries, state control of railroad rates, full taxation of railroad property, and punishment of corrupt election practices. In the Senate this past year he has been the recognized leader of the Progressive Republicans, and as such has taken a foremost part in opposing Canadian reciprocity, in drawing up and passing the tariff bills of the special session, and in the effort to unseat Senators Lorimer and Stephenson on charges of political corruption. He stands for the entire Progressive platform, already described, and, although he has little, if any, political strength in the Eastern States, has a large and enthusiastic following in parts of the West and the Middle-west. (See supra, The Progressives.) those states which had primary laws, provided the Republican State Committee so desired; but that in all other states the choice must be made by conventions. This decision was a disappointment to some of the Progressives, led by Senator Borah, who wished to authorize any state to hold a primary election if it wished to do so. In a number of states, therefore, delegates to the Republican Convention will be elected by direct popular vote; and in five, Nebraska, New Jersey, North Dakota, Oregon and Wisconsin, members of both parties will be permitted by state law to express their choice for their Presidential nominees. The committee was controlled by the supporters of President Taft, although it was evident that the belief was held by many Republicans throughout the country that the only hope for party success in 1912 lay in forcing the nomination upon Mr. Roosevelt. Governor Woodrow Wilson.-One of the strongest candidates for the Democratic nomination has been Woodrow Wilson. Born in Virginia in 1856, a life-long student of the science of politics, he resigned the presidency of Princeton University in 1910 to become the successful candidate for governor of New Jersey. During the first half of the past year, with a Democratic House and a Republican Senate, both seemingly under the control of party machines, he succeeded, by a combination of masterfulness, tact and reliance upon the people, in placing himself instead of the boss at the head of his own party, and in securing the enactment of a remarkable series of laws which have made New Jersey one of the most progressive of states. These new legislative measures included a rigid corrupt practices act; provisions for direct primaries for all elective offices, including that of United States Senator, and for delegates for national party conventions: the inauguration of State control of railroad, trolley, gas, telegraph and similar corporations and a workingmen's compensation act. The Republican National Committee. At its meeting in Washington, Dec. 12, the Republican National Committee voted to hold the Presidential nominating convention in Chicago, June 18. It appointed former Governor J. F. Hill of Maine, National Chairman, in place of Secretary Hitchcock resigned, and created a sub-committee, headed by H. S. New of Indiana, to have charge of the arrangements for the convention. It decided that delegates might be Governor Wilson aims to "restore chosen by direct primary election in representative government." To do this he believes that the Executive, 1908, to March, 1911, and was elected on behalf of the whole people, should become the responsible leader of the state government, both administrative and legislative; that the initiative and the referendum may be used as emergency measures, but not the recall of judges. Though generally regarded as an advanced Progressive, he believes in carefully preserving the rights of the states from infringement by the national government, and, until recently, strongly opposed such measures as the initiative and referendum which he now advocates. He has not clearly defined his position on some of the leading national issues, notably that of the trusts. Governor Judson Harmon. Another prominent candidate for the Democratic nomination has been Governor Judson Harmon. He was born in Ohio in 1846, and was AttorneyGeneral in Cleveland's Cabinet from 1895 to 1897. In 1908 he was elected Governor of Ohio by 19,000 majority although President Taft, at the same time, carried the state by 70,000. During this two-years' term, while unable to obtain desired legislation because of Republican control in both Houses, he yet succeeded in uniting the factions of his own party and in securing greater honesty and efficiency in the state administration. In 1911, largely by his influence, the legislature, which was now Democratic, passed a series of laws almost as remarkable as those in New Jersey. These included acts providing for workmen's compensation, strict regulation of public utilities, primary election of United States Senators, suppression of corrupt practices in elections, a limited initiative and referendum for cities, and a reformation of the assessment system by which corporations are compelled to pay their equitable proportion of state taxes. Despite this record, he is regarded as less radical than Governor Wilson both in temperament and in political belief. Speaker Champ Clark. Champ Clark, who has been frequently mentioned for the Presidency, was born in Kentucky in 1850, but later removed to Missouri. He has served nineteen years in Congress, was minority leader of the House from Dec., Speaker the following month, upon the organization of the 62nd Congress. Mr. Clark has been largely instrumental in consolidating the Democratic majority in the House and has received much credit for the legislative record of his party during the past year. While personally popular, he is handicapped by an occasional recklessness of statement, such as his declaration in the House, already quoted, in favor of the annexation of Canada. In similar vein he said, at Fremont, Neb., Nov. 2, "Let me run for President on a platform calling for annexation of Canada, in so far as this country can accomplish that end, and let President Taft run against me, opposing annexation, and I would carry every state in the nation." Oscar W. Underwood.-Born in Kentucky in 1862, Mr. Underwood early settled in Alabama, from which state he has been elected to Congress for eight terms. For several sessions he was on the Ways and Means Committee, next in Democratic rank to Champ Clark; and was made Chairman in April, the past year, when Mr. Clark was elected Speaker. He has shown marked ability in arranging the committee appointments, a task which under the new Democratic House rules practically falls to the Ways and Means Committee, in his preparation of the tariff bills of the special session and of the voluminous reports which accompanied them, and in his floor leadership of his party. His recent striking success in directing legislation in the House together with his sound judgment and tact, have made him a prominent candidate for the Democratic nomination. Democratic Record in Congress.The Democratic party appeals for popular support upon its legislative record in Congress. In the special session the Democratic majority revised and liberalized the House rules; began economies in the public expenses; passed a resolution submitting a constitutional amendment providing for the popular election of United States Senators; and bills to compel the publication of campaign expenses before election, to admit New Mexico and Arizona as separate states; to re- | violated the party's pledge of econvise the wool and cotton schedules omy; but it received the support of and to reduce the duties on many ar- nearly all the Republicans. ticles used by the farmers. Speaker Champ Clark in an article in the September number of the North American Review, makes the claim that the House of Representatives "in four months has passed more constructive legislation than any House has passed in the same length of time in two decades." In the few days of the regular session before adjournment Dec. 21, for the Christmas holidays, the House passed three important measures. The first was the Sherwood pension bill, passed Dec. 12, which, if enacted, will give to each old soldier, without regard to his wounds, debility or present needs, from $15 to $30 a month, depending upon the length of his service. Secretary Fisher has estimated that this will add $75,000,000 to the government's annual expenditures, if the veterans who are eligible take advantage of its provisions. Underwood opposed the bill with about 80 other Democrats because it The second was the Sulzer resolution, passed Dec. 13, calling for the abrogation of the Russian treaty of 1832; it forced action by the President, but was open to the charge of needlessly irritating a foreign power. The third, passed almost unanimously Dec. 14, provided that the eight-hour day for laborers and mechanics in government work should be extended to work done for the government by private contractors. The efficiency of the Democratic majority during these first three weeks of the regular session is apparent, but the statesmanlike quality of some of the legislation may be questioned. The political aspect of the three bills was humorously pointed out to the Democrats by the Socialist Congressman, Berger, who said, Dec. 14, “Day before yesterday you got the old soldier vote; yesterday you got the Jewish vote; and today you have gone after the labor vote." THE PRESIDENT IN 1911 During the past year the President ern border and of preparing for any took executive action in a number of emergency which might result from instances which attracted general at- the state of semi-anarchy existing in tention and interest; the most im- parts of Mexico, were largely responsportant concerned the Mexican bor-ible for the movement. (See also V, der trouble, the Wiley controversy, International Relations.) and the anti-Jewish prejudice in the army. He gave addresses in many parts of the country; and in September and October made a notable 15,000-mile trip, speaking to large audiences in over 20 different states. The revolutionary forces, in which many American citizens were fighting, used United States territory as a base of operations; they brought their arms and supplies very largely from this country, and when defeated they found safety by retreating across the line. The regular troops were soon ordered to patrol the border and to prevent the transport of military supplies for the revolutionists. The Mexican Situation.-A revolution had been going on in Mexico for some months, but it aroused no particular interest in this country until March 8, when the press announced that the President had suddenly or- The necessity of bringing together dered some 20,000 of the United such a large proportion of the AmerStates army to mobilize at San An- ican army for patrol duty was, at tonio, Texas, not far from the inter- first, seriously questioned by many, national boundary, "for the purposes and the American press suggested of field instruction." At the same that there must be a secret reason time 2,000 marines were sent to for the President's order, such as the Guantanamo, and five cruisers started fear that some European power was for Galveston. It was soon admitted planning to violate the Monroe docsemi-officially that the necessity of trine or that Japan was about to obenforcing neutrality along the south-tain a naval coaling station at Mag |