under them.1 Here also he had a celebrated gallery of pictures and statues, which contained some of the chefs d'œuvre of antiquity. In the Velabrum, on the route of the triumphal processions, he built a TEMPLE to Fortune, or FELICITY, in front of which the axle of Cæsar's car broke down on the occasion of one of his triumphs.2 He also erected on the Capitol a colossus of Apollo, 30 cubits, or 45 feet, high, brought from Apollonia in Pontus; a fitting companion to the colossal Jove of Carvilius already mentioned. The luxury of those times may be imagined. from the circumstance that a single supper given by Lucullus, in a hall called that of Apollo, cost 50,000 denarii, or between 1,700l. and 1,800l. In spite, however, of his luxury, Lucullus was not a mere sensualist. He was fond of literature, and the friend and patron of many talented and learned Greeks, among whom may be particularly named the poet Archias.3 Lucullus appears to have bestowed much attention upon horticulture, and first introduced the cherry tree from Asia into Europe.*

Among other remarkable gardens at Rome at this period must also be mentioned those of Servilius and Sallust. The gardens of Servilius, which lay on a declivity of the Aventine, were adorned with Greek statues. They were the frequent resort of Cato, who was the brother, and of Cæsar, who was the lover, of Servilia.5 Sallust, the historian, formed his gardens, which lay, as we have before indicated, between the Pincian and Quirinal hills, with the proceeds of his extortions in Numidia. The fact of their ultimately becoming imperial property seems a testimony to their beauty. Nero is the first emperor whom we know to have been in possession of them; and subsequently we read of Vespasian, Nerva, and

1 Front. Aq. 22. The MSS. read Lucilianis; but the emendation Lucullianis seems certain.

2 Dion Cassius, lxiii. 21. 3 Cic. Pro Archia, 3 sqq.

♦ Plut. Lucul. 39 sqq.; Cic. De Leg. iii. 13, De Off. i. 39; Vell. Pat. ii. 33; Plin. H. Ñ. viii. 78, xiv. 17, XV. 25.

5 Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 4.

Aurelian residing there.1 They contained a house or villa which stood near the site of the subsequent Porta Salaria. They are also said to have embraced a circus and baths. The former may have been the place where the Ludi Apollinares were performed when their celebration in the usual place, the Circus Maximus, was prevented by an inundation of the Tiber.2 The Anonymus of Einsiedeln records the existence of some THERME SALLUSTIANÆ

near the present church of Sta. Susanna. All these objects gave the property much importance, and we are not surprised to find that the neighbourhood bore the name of Salustricum, or Sallustium, down almost to modern times.3

L. Æmilius Paullus, who, in spite of his surname, was in reality a Lepidus, and brother of the triumvir, must also be mentioned here as an improver of the city. In his ædileship in B. c. 53, he certainly rebuilt the Basilica Emilia and Fulvia, out of the money, it is said, which he received from Cæsar as a bribe, and it was afterwards called from him BASILICA PAULLI. He is also said to have erected an entirely new Basilica, which likewise bore the name of Basilica Paulli; but we cannot even offer a conjecture as to its situation, as we find only one Basilica Paulli mentioned by ancient writers."

During the few years which intervened between the dictatorship of Sulla and the establishment of the Empire, the period of expiring liberty, Rome was frequently the theatre of scenes which might call to mind a city taken by assault. In the dissolution of all law and order, faction and violence ruled uncontrolled. One of the most prominent figures in these times is Cicero. A native of Arpinum, and consequently a fellow-countryman of

1 Tac. Ann. xiii. 47; Dion Cass. lxvi. 10; Vopisc. Aurel. 49.

2 Liv. xxx. 38.

* And. Fulvius, De Urbe Ant. p. 135; L. Fauno, Ant. di Rom. lib.

iv. c. 10.

4 Vell. Pat. ii. 67; cf. Drumann, Gesch. Roms, B. i. S. 5.

5 Cic. ad Att. iv. 16; Plut. Casar, 29; Appian, B. C. ii. 26.

Marius, Cicero was sent at an early age to be educated at Rome, where the family possessed a house in the Carina. The exchange of the boyish toga prætexta for the toga pura or virilis, a ceremony usually performed at the age of fourteen, was in his case deferred two years longer. At Rome it was a sort of public act, and identified the youthful citizen with the state. During the Liberalia in March, the lad was conducted by his father, or nearest relative, to the tribunal of the prætor in the Forum, and there, in presence as it were of the Roman people, assumed the robe which denoted his fitness for the active duties of life. Having received the congratulations of his friends, he was led by the Via Sacra to the Capitol; and, after solemnising the entrance on his new condition by a sacrifice, returned home to spend the remainder of the day in festivity.

Some years were still to be passed in study under the tutorship of the augur, Q. Mucius Scævola, before Cicero, at the age of twenty-five, again appeared before the same tribunal in the character of an advocate. The prætor's judg ment-seat stood on the south-eastern side of the Forum, near the Arcus Fabianus. Originally it was on the Comitium, at the western end of the Forum, but it was moved by the tribune L. Scribonius Libo about the middle of the second century B.C. Near it was the PUTEAL, a consecrated place resembling a well, where, it was said, the whetstone of Attius Navius, the augur, had been buried. From its reparation and rededication by Libo, it obtained the name of PUTEAL LIBONIS, or PUTEAL SCRIBONIANUM, and became the subject of frequent allusion by Roman authors. The prætor urbanus, however, appears to have continued to sit on the Comitium. There was also on the Forum another tribunal called AURELIUM, apparently from its having been erected by M. Aurelius Cotta, consul in B. C. 74. It was before these benches that Cicero, Hortensius, and other advocates delivered their forensic

pleadings. These tribunals were made of wood, and were capable of being removed when the whole area of the Forum was required for gladiatorial exhibitions or other purposes.1

Having mentioned Hortensius, we shall here devote a line or two to a man who was second only to Cicero in eloquence, and who, in the early part at least of their lives, was his chief opponent. Hortensius was a man of softer character and less principle than Cicero. He was too often the complaisant apologist of aristocratic peculation; nor did he always scruple to avail himself of the license of those times to enrich himself by fraudulent acquisitions. He it was who defended the infamous Verres against the accusations of Cicero. His eloquence was of the florid and Asiatic kind, his action elaborate and redundant. Yet it must have possessed much character and grace, or Esopus and Roscius, the celebrated actors of those days, would hardly, reversing the common practice, have frequented the Forum when Hortensius spoke to take lessons from him in their own art: an anecdote which conveys a striking idea of the ancient forensic pleadings. Hortensius lived upon the Palatine in a house afterwards occupied by Augustus, but which nevertheless was of modest pretensions. On the other hand, he possessed many sumptuous villas in various parts of Italy, besides a Suburbanum near the Porta Flumentana. His luxurious, not to say effeminate, habits may be guessed from his style of dress, from his applying wine instead of water to his fruit-trees, and from his tame fish, for the death of one of which, a favourite muræna, he is said to have shed tears.2 On the whole, we may conclude that the profession of an advocate was far from being one of the worst at Rome in those times.

1 Cicero, Pro Sestio, 8, 15; Pro Cluentio, 34; In Pis. 5; Hor. Sat. ii. 6, 35, et ibi Schol. Cruq.; Ascon. ad Cic. Mil. Arg. p. 34.

2 Val. Max. ix. 4, 1; Varr. R. R. iii. 81, 17; Plin. H. N. ix. 55; Macr. Sat. ii. 9; Suet. Aug. 72; Cic. Brut. 88 sqq.

Some of Cicero's earlier pleadings display considerable courage. His defence of Roscius of Ameria against the accusations of a powerful freedman of Sulla's, and the bantering allusion already mentioned to the heads at the Servilian fountain, were made while Sulla was still alive. The accusation of Verres was a gauntlet thrown down to the aristocratic party. But Cicero's consulate, with the prosecution of Catiline, is the marking period of his life. Catiline, with his haggard visage, his uncertain step, now slow, now fast, the wildness of his whole appearance, is the beau idéal of a ruined, conspiring noble of those days. His house, situated on the further side of the Palatine, towards the Circus,' was well fitted, by its comparative retirement, for the assembly of such a crew of profligates, parricides, and convicted criminals as were to aid him in seizing the supreme power; but even here he addressed them not till he had withdrawn them into the most secret part of the building." The example of Sulla was enticing, but misleading; for it was evident that none but a man who enjoyed the affections of the soldiery could be the future master of Rome. Prodigies had announced the approach of troublous times. The Capitol had been struck with lightning; the brazen tablets of the laws had been melted by the stroke, the figure of the wolf, the nurse of Romulus, overthrown.3 By the counsel of Etruscan soothsayers, the statue of the Capitoline Jove, which had previously looked towards the west, was now turned towards the east, in the direction of the Forum and Curia,4 by way of propitiation.

Cicero pronounced his first oration against Catiline in

Its atrium was subsequently included in the palace of Augustus. Suet. Ill. Gramm. 17; cf. Ampère, Hist. Rom. à Rome, t. iv. p. 438

sq.

2 Sall. Cat. 20.

3 The bronze wolf in the Capitoline Museum has holes in its hind

legs, which some ascribe to this catastrophe.

4 Cic. Cat. iii. 8. A proof that the Capitoline temple must have been on the northern summit; since, if the statue had been on the southern height, it would not have looked to the Forum, but the Palatine.