uniform under his doctor's robes. When he ascended the steps, it seemed difficult at first to find a place for him. He took a low seat, but immediately room was made for him higher up, quite among the ladies. "None but the brave deserve the fair,” came in a clear voice from the undergraduates' gallery, and immediately there was a shout of laughter and of cheers. sented by another orator whose Latin was in a high degree eloquent and impassioned; the gallery appreciated it, and cheered it vehemently. Now came a new set of proceedings. Ata rostrum in another part of the theatre suddenly appeared the tall form of Matthew Arnold, Professor of Poetry, who, addressing the vice-chancellor, began the " Crewe oration, commemorative of founders and benefactors." I am sorry to say nobody listened, as the speech was in Latin. Mr. Arnold had told me beforehand that such would be the case. Then the young men who had taken prizes recited successively the English essay, the Latin essay, the prize poem, etc., but they seemed all rather heavy after the excitement which had just ended. At length the vice-chancellor rose and dis led the way, as the great people retired. As he reached Lord Brougham's place, the whitehaired man was ready to receive him. The two shook hands, and the old man made, as it were, obeisance to the prince—the coming sovereign. It was a touching sight—youth and age thus meeting, and on each side reverence and respect. Mr. Motley was next in order, and with him the list of doctors closed. To many of my readers his form and features are familiar, but to me he was until then a stranger. I certainly saw no finer face in all that company than his. He wore all his beard as a gentleman and a Christian should, and as matters are in England, this served to mark him in some degree as an American. The young Oxford men seemed not to have read his book however (only his "Dutch Repub-solved the convocation. The Prince of Wales lic" had then appeared), for they received him with but moderate cheers. I should mention that when, at the beginning of the proceedings, the vice-chancellor recited his claim to the honor it was proposed to confer, and dwelt on his merits as an author, he used the word luculentissime (most luminous, perspicuous), and for some reason or other it caused a laugh. The vice-chancellor himself smiled. Whether it was that the phrase • was a stilted one the learned must decide. I remember further that when the question “Placetne,” etc., was put, "Oh, by all means!" was the prompt reply from the gallery. Now, however, that Mr. Motley had appeared, there was, as I have said, but a limited amount of cheering, though I confess I lent my voice to swell it; certainly no man that day received honor who was more worthy of it. Torrents of rain were falling as the company withdrew. But rain in England during that summer of 1860, was almost a daily visitation. I spent an hour or two in the pleasant reading-rooms of the Oxford Union. The upper part of the walls of the library, or principal hall, are adorned by a series of frescoes of Rosetti, a gift from him to the Union. They are after the pre-Raphaelite manner. The Oxford Union is the chief club, so to call it, of the university. It is the arena in which oratorical displays are I must mention here a little incident as made—the school in which young men who showing how pitiless young men are. One are preparing for public life train themselves of the eminent personages on whom a de- as speakers. I am glad to note here that the gree was to be conferred had, as a measure last important debate of the Union was on of precaution, brought his umbrella into the the American question, or rather, on the theatre with him, and supposed he had it quite propriety of the course taken by England in hidden under his scarlet robes. A quick-regard to it. After a lengthened discussion, sighted, and at the same time unmerciful, it was decided by a large majority," that the youth in the gallery got a glimpse of it, however, as the new-made LL.D. was taking his seat with such dignity as he could command, and at once there came the sharp, shrill cry," Three cheers for the umbrella!" A degree of a different sort—that of A.M. -was conferred on a Mr. Harris who had been chaplain at Lucknow. He was pre moral support given by England to the cause of the Confederates was a disgrace to the nation." This news has been received as I write these recollections. I see in it a cheering indication of a change of sentiment on the part of even the aristocracy of England upon American affairs. In the afternoon of Commemoration day I me a Scotch welcome and the hearing of the bagpipes, as well as a sight of camp-life. I little thought that such a spectacle was so soon to be a common one in my own country went to a fête at the gardens of St. John's. | was, as I have said, of the Highland BorThe flower-show was a beautiful one, and derers, who were then encamped near Folkthere was, besides, a full military band. The stone. He asked me to visit him, promised well-dressed company walked about in that quiet way which is characteristic of the English. One could fancy old Froissart, in his French heart, mistaking this repose of manner for sadness. The Prince, attended by Col. Keppel, was there, and I was sufficiently near him several times to observe him very closely. It was impossible not to look with extreme interest on the youth who is one day to be King of England. In the minds of all there was evidently a deep and tender interest in the lad, and "God bless him! was the inward utterance doubtless of many, as it certainly was mine. I observed that people did not raise their hats to him as they passed, or notice him in any way. From all I heard in regard to the Prince's life at Oxford, I inferred that he did not study much, yet the general impression was that it was an excellent thing for him to be there. It was thought, too, to be good for the university. I was told that he was greatly liked by the students and that he loved Oxford warmly. It was almost his first experience of ordinary life among men, and it was the beginning of a training such as no English sovereign had ever had. I dined in the evening of this same Wednesday at Professor Stanley's, in company with Mr. Motley and others. My place was next to Professor Jowett, who has of late become a conspicuous figure in the world of Oxford. It was a pleasant occasion. I could not but be amused at the lively sallies of a pretty young American girl who sat opposite to me, and who seemed to be quite a match for the quick-witted youth who had handed her to the table-the Hon. Mr. S 6 How the two rattled away, to be sure. "Did you ever read Henry Taylor's Notes from Life?' "" asked Mr. S moment." "It is such a charming book," he continued," and it is only a small book. You could read it in a "Hear him," said Dr. Stanley, who was near, "he speaks of a book which can be read in a moment. "There is one essay in that book," I remarked, "which is certainly a weighty one- On choice in marriage.' "Oh!" said my young countrywoman, quickly turning to her companion, "you don't mean to say you read that in 999 a moment." Major Fendry was of our company; he that, besides innumerable camps, there would be all the terrible realities of war. And now my narrative draws to a close. I spent a part of Thursday in the study of the famous cartoons of Raphael and Michael Angelo, the collection of Sir Thomas Lawrence, purchased for the university for the sum of £7,000, raised by private subscription. As Mr. Emerson relates in " English Traits," £3,000 had been raised by the committee charged with the affair, when Lord Eldon was applied to. He subscribed at once £3,000. The committee said they would have no difficulty now in raising the remainder. "No," he said, " your men have probably already contributed all they can spare; I can as well give the rest," and he withdrew his cheque for £3,000, and wrote £4,000. I have said little by way of description of Oxford as a whole, for I shrink from attempting to define its especial dignity and charm. Again and again I have been there, and each time I "Smit with its splendor and its sweetness." have felt envy of the men whose minds have been moulded under influences so peculiar and so enduring. I have experienced what Newman describes as the "fascination which the very face and smile of a university possess over those who come within its indescribable, and it would be well if more range." Oxford has indeed attractions quite of our countrymen, when in England, would seek to enter into the spirit of the place and experience, as they assuredly would, its manifold impressiveness. I spoke in the beginning of my narrative of certain ladies who were my companions during the first days of my visit. From a letter of one of them I give the following, which I deem a fit ending of my story :— "Surely, never was there a place that had such a subtle charm as that old city, sitting like some ancient sybil among her deep, flowery meadows and embowering trees, with such a mystery of learning and wisdom in her musing eyes! From The Spectator, 25 April. Pole who chooses travels to Cracow under French protection. One-half of these stories are false, mere inventions of salon and boulevard, and the other half are grossly exaggerated; but they all increase while explaining the swell in the public mind. The truth is, the political gossips have discovered that it is possible to reach Warsaw without, as Earl Russell sneered, "sailing there,” and without, as somebody said, "sending the Zouaves in balloons." For the first time since 1815 they have recognized the existence of Sweden, have remembered the Swedish army and Swedish fleet, and have recalled certain proj ects which were to have been carried out had the Crimean War endured. Divided from Russia only by a sea which is more like a strait, Sweden has been specially exposed to the pressure which for fifty years the czars have exercised on all around. She has seen her richest provinces taken away, her influence in Europe destroyed, her rights in the Baltic assailed, her capital threatened by Russian fortresses not thirty miles from her shore. Her aspiration for union with Denmark has been persistently resisted, and her safety is menaced by the enduring thirst of Russia for the possession of Hammerfest, a port which, below the range of the ice, would seat the great empire on the Atlantic and, render the freedom of the Baltic a matter of minor importance. The relation between the royal houses, moreover, has never been very cordial, the Romanoffs looking on the Bernadottes as interlopers, whom they could not well put down. Add to the fretful irritation nourished in the people by the encroachments of forty years, the permanent dislike of the reigning family, and we may easily explain the enthusiastic approval with which the Swedes have welcomed the Polish revolt. The agent of Poland at Stockholm, Prince C. THE Continent is becoming uneasy, not, we fear, without cause, for all the signs which in Europe precede a great war are once again abroad. The chancelleries repeat, every day more hurriedly, that there is nothing at all in the wind and “officious" journals deny with anxious audacity every incident which looks important. Financiers recount the embarrassments which bind France to remain at peace, and statesmen talk of Mexico, and think of the lesson which the emperor learnt in Italy. Conservatives argue that Austria must in the end for her own sake declare against intervention, and Liberals doubt if Great Britain will permit a contest of which she cannot foresee the end. The Premier of Prussia, with all his arrogance, still abstains from fulfilling the agreement he also refuses to publish; and the British ministry consents to reductions, as if it were sure of peace. The emperor himself orders the journals to be a little more moderate in their opposition to Russia, retains M. Fould who represents economy, rebukes Prince Jerome who represents war, and thanks M. Bonjean, Conservative orator, for the accuracy with which he has reproduced his own imperial sentiments. What can be more satisfactory? and yet the uneasiness only increases. Parisians whisper to each other small thingshow the emperor has written an autograph letter to Vienna, how the Prefect of the Seine allows cafés chantants to ring with songs in favor of Poland, how M. de Seebach, agent de police du monde, is flying from capital to capital, and how the Russian embassy can scarcely conceal its growing alarm and annoyance and draw therefrom conclusions not favorable to the peace of the world. Then stories are told identical with those which preceded the Italian campaign. The Czartoryski, who goes to buy arms, is reemperor is always studying maps. Orders have been sent to put the fleet in commission. The commissariat is buying vinegar, useless unless a great fleet is about to proceed on a voyage. Troops seem to observant eyes to be collecting at the point where they would gather were their chief meditating a sudden spring on the Rhine. The emperor deprecates all" incitements to the public mind," but never attempts to prohibit them, the Ultramontanes are quiet and hopeful, Zouaves give a dinner to M. de Rochebrund, and every ceived by the people with acclamations, by the nobles with dinners, and by the heir apparent with a feast at which toasts are drunk such as Kosciusko might have accepted with pleasure. Now is the time, say the Swedes. If France will but heartily assist, Poland may be emancipated and Finland restored, the Baltic enfranchised, and the Scandinavian powers relieved from a state of armed preparation which renders progress impossible. For such an end Sweden will run great risks, perhaps even furnish the army round which the Poles may rally. So loud is this talk that the Government of St. Petersburg is seriously annoyed, and the reported suspension of intercourse between the two courts, though so sharply denied, is probably only premature. clared to be merely the symptoms of "an in- No one in England, perhaps, save Earl Russell, knows precisely how far the Swedish Government accept these views of their people. Their agreement is, however, at least possible, and that is sufficient to explain the agitation in Paris. The adhesion of Sweden would bring an otherwise impossible task within the category of merely difficult enterprises. A war with Russia, with Sweden for base, is a widely different thing from war with no base save ships' decks. King Oscar commands an army, of which, as there is no internal discontent to suppress, at least fifty thousand men must be disposable, and a mosquito fleet, strong in numbers, and specially adapted to warfare within the Baltic. The arsenals are fully supplied, and though the coun-servatives ask; for the insurgents would either try is poor, its finances are in good order and its credit is unimpaired. Above all, it has those advantages of position the want of which cripples the Western Powers. It is within striking distance of Russia, near enough to make the transport of armies possible, and the introduction of arms very easy; to afford refuge for French fleets, and to simplify all difficulties of commissariat. We all remember what Piedmont accomplished for Italy, and the aid of any organized State, even of one so weak as Sweden, would change the whole aspect of the Polish insurrection, and make the eight or nine millions of men now affected by the revolt available as recruits against Russia. It is the perception of these facts, of the possibility of assisting Poland, which has so greatly increased the previous excitement in France. To jump in after a drowning friend is one thing, to throw him a rope is another, and one much more likely to be enthusiastically done. The pressure, therefore, on the emperor increases, and as he yields his concessions increase the force which he begins to obey. Nor is the excitement diminished by the diplomatic proceedings which are slowly oozing out. If the sketch published in the Pays is accurate, and it must at least have been authorized by a minister, the French note to St. Petersburg was unexpectedly stern. The disturbances are de continue the contest or demand a national army as a guarantee, which army would be the instrument of a still deadlier strife. He can only grant Poland her independence, and what more could he lose, even if defeated after an exhausting war? Central Russia is not a land to invade, and the border is surrounded only by weak or impotent powers. Unless there are forces at work within Russia, of which the West knows nothing, and which paralyze the czar, even within the vast regions in which there are no Poles, his policy must be in accord with his inclination, and both lead to a blank refusal to submit to external force. It will then be for Napoleon to decide whether or not to let France loose, and he, of all men, remembers what Paris thought of the king whose minister announced with complacency that "order reigned in Warsaw." Bonapartes can face hatred but not contempt, and the power which, able to free Poland and committed to diplomatic action for Poland, left Poland once more to be crushed, would be in the eyes of most Frenchmen simply contemptible. It is but a sentiment, perhaps, which dictates this feeling for Poland; but then French sentiment is the one thing in France which is always noble, and which no French ruler who comprehends France will venture to disregard. The emperor can do much in France; but it would be safer for him to send a thousand electors to Cayenne, From The Spectator, 25 April. than to call those electors" subjects." The | The Carbonari and Illuminati of Italy did pope is about, it is said, to pronounce an al-much to prepare the way for 1860, but their locution in favor of Poland, and with the Reds tactics did not involve open administration, and the Ultramontanes, Montalembert and and even the National Committee of Rome, Louis Blanc, the empress and the minority by far the most perfect of Italian secret orof the Chamber, for once in unison, it is not ganizations, only attempts to guide and to rean emperor who understands at once France strain the people. That of Venice simply and his epoch who can afford to resist. While lives to save sufferers from despair, by pointthe Poles, with a wisdom patient of suffering, ing, as some new outrage is committed, to keep up the war without meeting the troops that future of which all Venetians dream, in the field, there is ample cause for the un- and which enables them to endure a monoteasiness now stealing over every capital of the ony stirred only by a taxation which, on all Continent. Orders to journals to "moder- but the highest fortunes, amounts to plunder. ate" their tone will scarcely serve to re-assure The Polish Committee alone essays to turn men who remember M. de Persigny's remark, the weapons of despotism against itself, to "The empire dreads, above all, moderate op- found a subterranean government working position." with all the moderation and all the severity of a legitimate despotism, sanctioning conscription, levying taxes, raying out ambassadors, and concluding treaties with foreign THE SECRET GOVERNMENT OF POLAND. powers. The experiment is a new one in THERE must be high political talent some-history, and its success will place in the where among these Poles. The secret Gov- hands of the Revolution a weapon of new ernment in Warsaw, which faces death every and almost immeasurable force. It gives to hour, and meets an efficient despotism with the Revolutionists, in fact, precisely the decrees better obeyed than its own, is appar-agency which makes established governments ently succeeding in a task no such association so strong, the organization which enables a has hitherto ventured to attempt. Hitherto secret societies have devoted their power almost exclusively to restraint and destruction, the nearest approach to affirmative action being that made in Germany in 1814. The Vehme gericht, even if its success has not been exaggerated by romance, only essayed to punish crimes which the law was too fee-eration which regular governments are usuble to reach, and was probably, if not cer- ally compelled to learn. Its theory is the tainly, supported by one independent power, convenient or necessary one that it is the sole and by the higher ranks of the priesthood. legal government, sanctioned by the obediThe societies of the Middle Ages only gov- ence everywhere paid to its behests. It does erned and defended themselves, and the asso- not, therefore, confine itself to acting upon ciations which honeycombed Europe under opinion alone, but, like all other governthe feet of Napoleon directed their energies ments, considers disobedience an individual solely to preparation. They acted, more- offence which must be punished by the colover, with the consent of the legal if not of lective State. It claims, therefore, the right the virtual authorities, and succeeded in the of inflicting death, but, with unusual moderend only in driving the kings into promises ation, inflicts it only for cases of open "treawhich produced a levée en masse, but which son," i.e., efforts to overset it by forcible rethe associations had not the power to enforce. sistance to its officers, or the betrayal of its The secret societies of France, however pow- agents and plans. A curious instance of its erful, establish nothing, and have usually for self-restraint lately occurred in Warsaw. practical aim only a redistribution of prop- The correspondent of a Prussian journal, erty. The Marianne, the strongest of these with the usual contempt of a German for societies, is supposed, but only supposed, to every civilization but his own and the Engcherish ideas even "redder" than those in- lish, quizzed the revolt and its leaders. The volved in the project of an agrarian law. | ridicule seemed an atrocity to men fighting weak king like Frederick William, and a powerless class like the Prussian junkers, to defy the rage and hostility of an entire people, though educated, drilled, and armed. As yet the Warsaw Committee has been successful, for it has combined the energy of a Committee of Public Safety with the mod |