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of feeling is said to have been so extreme that it was hardly safe for any one to admit that he was a Protestant. Organization of the Catholic Association throughout the whole country, except Ulster, was complete; and, in order to influence that province, Mr. Lawless was deputed to operate there. During his progresses the whole population of some districts followed him; tens of thousands of persons, galloping on horseback up the hills, or running on foot, accompanied him; he entered Ballybay, in Monaghan, with an escort of from twenty to thirty thousand people; defiant cries and cheers resounded on all sides. The Protestant residents were naturally in great alarm, and it was asserted every day that a general conflagration was close at hand; but the conflagration never arrived, for, so long as the people were allowed to make conspicuous demonstrations in their own way, they were content for the time, and had no object in resorting to physical violence, which seems to have been decidedly less than usual at that period.

The Protestant party in Ireland, being really alarmed at the progress events were making against them, strained every nerve to get up counter-demonstrations, at which they appeared armed, on the presumption that they would be attacked. The Orange lodges did their utmost to organize afresh, and new combinations, called Brunswick clubs, were formed to "uphold the Protestant ascendancy on the throne."

On the 12th of August, at a dinner given in Londonderry, Mr. George Dawson, one of the ministers, and the brother-in-law of Peel, unequivocally declared his opinion that the claims of the Catholics should, without the veto or other similar security, be unreservedly granted by the legislature. The Protestants affected to believe that his words had been misunderstood or misreported. Dr. Curtis, titular Roman Catholic primate of Ireland, wrote to the Duke of Wellington, with whom he was intimate, urging the Catholic claims afresh. The Duke replied with the utmost urbanity, and in terms calculated to encourage prosecution of the claims, but advising the Archbishop to discourage agitation, so that the claims might be for a time buried in

oblivion. This letter, though marked "Private," was somehow communicated to O'Connell, and through him to the Catholic leaders, who unanimously determined that, so far from burying the question of emancipation in oblivion, even for an instant, their agitation should be increased tenfold, as they pointed out that nothing had ever been gained by quiet submission and petitioning, and therefore they determined to proceed with all the energy they possessed, and all the resources they could command.

Encouraged by the effect of his former letter, Archbishop Curtis wrote to the Lord Lieutenant stating the substance of the Duke's reply, and requesting advice and opinions. The Lord Lieutenant (the Marquis of Anglesea) replied that, in common with Dr. Curtis, he considered the subject of the Catholic claims one of the greatest importance and the highest interest; and that, in his opinion, on its speedy settlement the pacification and welfare of the country eminently depended; that, as respected the burying of the question in oblivion, in its then present state, he conceived it to be an impossibility; and he trusted, therefore, that the ensuing session of Parliament would not pass by without a full and due consideration of the Catholic claims. The substance of this letter being also communicated to O'Connell, and thence to the public, stimulated the previous excitement throughout the country; and the demonstrations were so renewed and continued in Tipperary, that the Lord Lieutenant was induced to order application of the current Insurrection Act there, but before it could operate Tipperary had exhausted the momentary enthusiasm, so that the action of the Marquis in that respect was futile; and for writing the letter he was soon after recalled, in January 1829, the Duke of Northumberland being his successor.

THE

CHAPTER XXVII.

THE EMANCIPATION VICTORY.

HE events recorded in the preceding chapter having paved the way for the ministry, which way seemed to be inevitable, their intentions were more fully disclosed very early in 1829. Parliament met on February the 5th, when the King's speech contained the following ominous passages : "The state of Ireland has been the object of his Majesty's continued solicitude. His Majesty laments that in that part of the United Kingdom an association should still exist which is dangerous to the public peace, and inconsistent with the spirit of the constitution; which keeps alive discord and ill-will amongst his Majesty's subjects; and which must, if permitted to continue, effectually obstruct every effort permanently to improve the condition of Ireland. His Majesty confidently relies on the wisdom and on the support of his Parliament; and his Majesty feels assured that you will commit to him such powers as may enable his Majesty to maintain his just authority."

"His Majesty recommends that, when this essential object shall have been accomplished, you should take into your deliberate consideration the whole condition of Ireland; and that you should review the laws which impose civil disabilities on his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects. You will consider whether the removal of those disabilities can be effected consistently with the full and permanent security of our establishments in Church and State, with the maintenance of the reformed religion established by law, and of the rights and privileges of the bishops and of the clergy of this realmn, and of the churches committed to their charge. These are institutions which

must ever be held sacred to this Protestant kingdom, and which it is the duty and the determination of his Majesty to preserve inviolate. His Majesty most earnestly recommends to you to enter upon the consideration of a subject of such paramount importance, deeply interesting to the best feelings of his people, and involving the tranquillity and concord of the United Kingdom, with the temper and the moderation which will best ensure the successful issue of your deliberations."

This was sufficiently ambiguous to satisfy the most ardent lovers of circumlocution, but both parties accepted it for what it really meant ; that is, a certain dose of wilful and conscious tyranny, to satisfy the baffled pride of a defeated party, to be followed by as much ostensibly gracious concession as should seem a virtue, though wrung from ministers by sheer necessity.

Accordingly, on the 10th of February, Peel introduced another of the innumerable similar bills " for the suppression of dangerous associations or assemblies in Ireland." It candidly confessed its primary object by commencing-" Whereas an association hath for some time past existed in Ireland, calling itself, or which hath been usually called, 'the Catholic Association,' the acts and proceedings of which are dangerous to the public tranquillity," etc. It also candidly confesses that "divers statutes have from time to time been passed for the suppression of dangerous associations and assemblies in Ireland, but the same have been by various shifts and devices evaded;" a confession that amounts to an admission of the utter folly and impotency of suppressive legislation for Ireland. Regardless of that, however, the bill was hurried on, and received the royal assent on the 5th of March. As if in derision, the association aimed at, declaring that its object was fulfilled, as evidenced by the King's speech, quietly dissolved itself before the Act could be brought into operation.

Meanwhile, the agitation in Ireland totally ceased immediately upon the publication of the speech, and was instantly succeeded by an agitation got up by the leading Protestants of England, which was of an intensely virulent character. There was hardly a parish in England

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Wales, or Scotland that did not form its anti-Catholic association, and the tables of both Houses of Parliament were overladen with petitions. Peel was openly denounced as a traitor and regenade, and faith in the honesty of public men received a cruel shock. English universities, Scotch presbyteries, corporations of towns, and many other bodies joined in the petitioning, and the grounds of objection urged against the concessions included fears of the idolatry of the mass, the ruin of the Hanoverian succession, the inquisition, destruction of the eternal privileges of Protestants, the sacrifice of "our holy religion," the introduction of French principles; the relinquishment of tithes, recognition of the Beast of the Apocalypse, and numerous other hysterical and complimentary expressions of feeling. Dr. Jebb, Protestant Bishop of Limerick, writing a remonstrative letter to Sir Robert Peel, said, “Infinitely more difficulties and dangers will attach to concession than to uncompromising resistance. . . . . In defence of all that is dear to British Protestants, I am cheerfully prepared, if necessary, as many of my order have formerly done, to lay down life itself."

Leading Protestants managed to get at the King, and, in his perplexity, he asked ministers to resign, which they did, on the 4th of March; but late that night he wrote to Wellington, saying he found so much difficulty in forming a new ministry that he begged ministers to withdraw their resignations, which they did. It is the usual course, regarding George IV. as a safe subject for vituperation, to ascribe this episode to the hatred of the King for concessions. But, looking back at his preference for Canning, and other circumstances, such an accusation seems out of place. It is far more likely that Peel used the King to magnify the importance of what he was doing. Judging from other characteristics of the King, there is reason to believe that he cared very little what was done, if it was not calculated to injure him personally.

If the principles of Protestantism had been really at stake-if the intention had been to give to Roman Catholics the domination they would, many of them, have hastened to apply with a vengeance-if