Castlereagh, and, when the Union was effected, he was made the medium of their demands. It had been observed that the constitution of the Presbyterian Church, so far as its representative character was concerned, had a tendency towards republicanism, and the ministers, knowing this to be so, turned it to their own account by making representations to their noble friend on that special feature of the case. Hence we find, in 1802, Lord Castlereagh writing a long confidential letter to Mr. Addington, the Premier of the day, urging the claims of the Presbyterian clergy, who shamelessly offered to act as systematic traitors for a sufficient consideration. It appears that the Regium Donum, otherwise known as the King's Gift or Royal Bounty, had until then been handed to the Presbyterian Synod for distribution at the discretion of the Synod, and it was pointed out that the constitution of the Synod tended towards distributing the money with too little regard for individuals who had done best for the Crown. Such individuals, who had made themselves most conspicuous for vociferous loyalty, conceived that they were not sufficiently rewarded. So Lord Castlereagh, in his confidential letter, called them "our Union friends," and pointed out "how much may be done by an efficient protection and support given on the part of government to those who have committed themselves in support of the State against a democratic party in the Synod, several of whom, if not engaged in the rebellion, were deeply infected with its principles. Such a body as the Presbyterians of Ireland, though consequently a branch of the Church of Scotland, have partaken deeply, first of the popular and since of the democratic politics of the country, so as to be an object much more of jealousy than of support to the government. You will therefore infer that my opinion still continues strongly in favour of coupling regulation with the proposed increase of the Regium Donum. The distribution and government of the fund is a natural engine of authority. It has hitherto been exclusively in the Synod. To render it still more subservient to democracy, an attempt has lately been made to introduce the authority of the lay elders into its management."

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Lord Castlereagh's alternative was to “Let it be an annual grant by the State to individuals by name, and not from the body of its members. That upon the appointment of a minister proper certificates of his character, etc., should be laid before the Lord Lieutenant, praying that his Majesty's accustomed bounty may be granted to him. The above requires that he shall not be entitled, as of right, to derive a provision from the State without furnishing government with satisfactory testimonials of his being a loyal subject. Though many bad men might find their way into the body, yet the impression that government might withdraw the provision would in time have a material influence on their conduct. This, together with the income itself making them less dependent on their congregations for subsistence, are the only means which suggest themselves to my mind for making this important class of dissenters better subjects than they have of late years proved themselves."

These suggestions of Lord Castlereagh were cordially concurred in by individuals amongst the Presbyterian clergy, who were glad enough to accept the means of being less dependent upon their congregations; and Mr. Alexander Knox, a friend of Lord Castlereagh, overflowed with a letter in which he wrote, "Government will have done more to promote peace and union in this grand outpost of the empire [Ulster] than ever was yet achieved, or could be achieved, by any other conceivable means. I speak from deep conviction when I make this assertion. I say more—this is perhaps a more favourable moment for forming a salutary connection between government and the Presbyterian body of Ulster than may again arrive. The republicanism of that part of Ireland is checked and repressed by the cruelties of Roman Catholics in the late rebellion, and by the despotism of Bonaparte. They are, therefore, in a humour for acquiescing in the views of government beyond what they ever were or (should the opportunity be missed) may be hereafter. How much, then, is it to be wished that while the tide of their wrong passions is so unusually low, a mound should be raised that will for ever after be a safe restraint to them.

These records are interesting in explanation of the Protestant loyalty of Presbyterian Ulster, the secret of which is thus disclosed. Henceforth the Regium Donum was openly given as a check upon the development of popular politics, and, as such, it has proved a "mound" too heavy to be shaken off by a people under the effective influence of a clergy who have not scorned to be thus bribed with what has since acquired the name of "ministers' money," which eventually reached an aggregate of about £40,000 per annum.

The Regium Donum was finally abolished by the same Act that disestablished the Irish Church. But every minister who was in receipt of any share of it at the time of the passing of that Act was ecured by special provisions.

Every such minister became entitled to receive from the government commissioners an annuity for life so long as he remained a minister with the consent of the governing body to which he belonged at the passing of the Act, such annuity in each case being equal to the annual amount he was originally entitled to.

Every assistant successor of such ministers, who was in office as such at the passing of the Act, was by it entitled to obtain a deferred annuity to take effect upon his succession to the office of minister.

Every holder of any annuity or deferred annuity under the Act was by the Act entitled to commute his annuity for a capital sum equal to the estimated value of the annuity.

But ministers and assistant successors who were not in office, as such, respectively at the passing of the Act, have no right to payment of any kind in the Regium Donum, and it is expressly provided by the Act that they shall have no claim to compensation in any manner, as the grant ceases in every shape and form with the last survivor of the persons above referred to as in office at the passing of the Act.

Liberal as the provisions of the Act are for making the discontinuance of the Regium Donum as mild as it could be with any consistency the younger portion of the Presbyterian clergy, who have since succeeded to office, and who have become keenly aware of their exclusion from the prized bounty enjoyed by their predecessors, can never

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forgive Mr. Gladstone for extending the principle of disestablishment to them. They and the congregations who, in consequence of their succession since the passing of the Act, have ceased to be subsidized as of old, evidently smart under what they consider a grievance, and hence it is easy to account for the increase of what they call "constitutional conservatism" in Ulster.

CHAPTER IX.

CATHOLIC DISCONTENTS.

ROM the Reformation till the year 1798, the Catholics had suffered

Fexclusion from many official positions, and from opportunities of

various kinds which were thus monopolized by Protestants.

This was

so throughout England and Scotland; but in those countries, in consequence of Catholics being a small minority, the resulting grievances were not made prominent. In Ireland, where the Catholics continued to be a large majority, the grievances were of a practical and irritating character, causing much discontent that urgently demanded a remedy. The law had been modified in some small degree relating to individual property, but in all matters of an official and social character the exclusion continued in full force. Pitt, amongst other devices for promoting the adoption of the Union, encouraged the idea that the United Parliament would pass laws for the relief of these Catholic grievances, and he permitted his name to be used as sanctioning the changes referred to. It is alleged that direct and indirect promises, hints, and anticipations were put forward by Pitt in such a way as to encourage a large proportion of Catholics to believe that he would promote a bill for Catholic relief as soon as the question of the Union was satisfactorily disposed of.

George III. had an inveterate objection to making concessions to Catholics, and it is pretty clear Pitt knew that perfectly well long before the Union, and hence it is concluded that his promise of Catholic relief was a deception practised to gain his ends with regard to the Union, and that he never meant to do what he is said to have promised. In order to escape from the dilemma, Pitt resigned. Other