xí (Hesych.), macte, Sanscrit mahat, mahita, "worship," &c. Also in qua-vós, "a thing done in vows" (öquoi). But we have the longer rm with a kind of passive sense in ἔσ-θης from ἕν-νυμι for Fέσ-νυμι Sanscrit vas, Latin ves-tis), and in έo-día (root ¿d-), where we find he locative, as in the first aorist passive. That this last has for its uture doua, clearly of a middle form, would of itself be some proof hat the word is not altogether of an active nature. The following coniderations add much weight to this view. We find that the cognate vord лí-vш has only the future níoμa. These two futures are, as we shall show in the following chapter, nothing but subjunctives, like δείομαι for θέωμαι, βείομαι οι βέομαι, &c. We are convinced that ní-voo, as well as 6-í-w, is virtually a deponent verb; in other words, that although the action may pass on to the object eaten or drunk, yet, the agent being considered as the object benefited, he is spoken of in the locative and not in the instrumental case. For this reason we find that all verbs in Greek and Latin, which, though they may express an action, confine the benefits or results of that action to the agent, are middle or deponent in form, and, for the same reason, the Greeks use the middle voice to express that a person is not the instrument, but the cause, of an action. This explains the middle or deponent use of vescor, yevouai (as opposed to yɛva), utor, fruor, xo@uai, nanciscor, dézouai, adipiscor, sortior, &c.; also of verbs denoting the exercise of the senses, as alodάvouai,contemplor, dεãμα, ỏópqaívoμai; conspicari, intueri, άxqoãóđai, &c.; of words implying mental emotions, as mirari, vereri, lætari, &c. 384 In Greek we find certain words of this class with the present tense of an active, but the future of a deponent form; thus axovo makes ἀκούσομαι; θαυμάζω,θαυμάσομαι; θνήσκω,θανοῦμαι; πάσ x∞, лɛíбoμai; &c. It is easy to understand this: when we speak of something that will make an impression upon our senses or feelings, or, in general, befall us, as future, we consider ourselves as merely the objects of these outward impressions or accidents; but when we speak of their present effect, we consider ourselves as agents or inchoatives in respect of them. If any one says, "I am hearing," he asserts that he is exercising that sense; if he says, "I shall hear,” he says merely that there will be a sound or noise: again, if he says, “I am dying," he speaks of his being on the way towards death, and therefore, an inchoative verb like výбxo might very well be used: if he says, "I shall die," he merely states that his death will take place, that he will be dead (Davɛîtai), in which event he cannot be considered as an actor at all. The same principle has extended itself even to the primitive verb of existence: for while slui-lo-uí has lost its original future 6-60-u, which is now represented only by the subjunctive ᾧ=ἐσ-ίω=ἐσ-ίο-μι, we find in constant use ἔσσομαι οι ἔσομαι, which means, "there is or will be existence for me." Some such method might be adopted to explain all those numerous instances in Greek, where we find an active present with a deponent future (Gr. Gr. 344). M. Burnouf justly remarks (1. l. § 204) that the active verbs with middle futures, are precisely those which, in the French language, are reflected in form but not in sense; thus, бiyooua or σιωπήσωμαι is je me tairai; βήσομαι, je m'en irai; θαυμάσομαι, με m'étonnerai; άuaqτýбoua, je me tromperai; oluážouau, je me lamenterai; 6лоvdáбoua, je m'étudierai à; &c. 385 It is worthy of observation that the passive futures formed from the aorists in -nvand-ny, have person-endings of the middle form. It is an irregularity that they should be formed from the aorists at all, and we can only explain it on the supposition that they were first constructed when the future middle, as it is called, which is often used in a passive sense (Monk on Eurip. Hippolyt.1458, above, § 379), was appropriated to the active verb, and an independent passive future was necessary (Journal of Education, IV. p. 158); at all events, they must be considered as subsequent to the other forms of the future. 386 Another instance of the formation of a tense by the addition of a suffix used to form a set of verbs, is furnished by the itera tive tenses in -oxov. This ending is affixed to the imperfect and to both aorists of the indicative, and the augment is omitted; thus ruxτον makes τύπτεσκον; ἔτυψα, τύψασκον; and ἔλιπον, λίπεσκον, από so also in the passive. This mode of forming tenses is peculiar to the Ionians, who were in the habit of omitting the augment of the historical tenses in their descriptive poetry, and from them the custom was introduced into the long narrative speeches which the epic element of the Athenian drama permitted. These tenses, according to Buttmann (Ausführl. Sprl. § 94, Anm. 3), denote not a continued. but a repeated action. The iterative formed from the imperfect implies occasionally an action of some duration frequently repeated—as in Herod. m. 119 : ἡ γυνὴ κλαίεσκε καὶ ὀδυρέσκετοat other times a momentary action repeated, Herod. 1. 185: ἐπιτείνεσκε, ὅκως μὲν ἡμέρη γένοιτο, ξύλα τετράγωνα-τὰς δὲ νύκτας τὰ ξύλα ταῦτα ἀπαιρέεσ xov: the iterative formed from the aorist conveys the latter meaning only; Herod. iv. 130: ὅκως—καταλίποιεν, αὐτοὶ ἂν ὑπεξήλαυνον, οἱ δὲ ἂν Πέρσαι ἐπελθόντες λάβεσκον τὰ πρόβατα. The aorist iteratives occur very seldom, and those from the first aorist are never found in prose. There is one instance in Herodotus (III. 17) where the word ❝odeoxɛ is used as an imperfect, but, as Buttmann remarks, though continuation in time is implied, there is still a signification of repetition in space in this passage. It is also true, though Buttmann has not remarked this, that the imperfect is used in Attic prose as an iterative, in connexion with ôлóτɛ and the optative: as, for instance, Xen. Anab. IV. 5, § 25: de ônóte tig divan, where certainly a repetition is implied (Gr. Gr. 580). But the fact is, that the ideas of repetition and continuance are intimately connected, the former being related to the latter as the idea of a series of points is to that of a line; and therefore as the generating or suggesting idea is to the idea suggested or generated. We have shown elsewhere that the Hebrew tense which indicates continuous time, is often used as a future (Maskil le Sopher, p. 28), and it is well known that esco appears as the future of sum. No one needs to be told that the future is by its nature inchoative, and that continued actions involve a series of recommencements. 387 There is, as well in the Greek as in the Latin language, a numerous class of verbs ending in -6x0. Buttmann is inclined to consider these terminations as totally different from the iterative preterites of which we have been speaking (Ausführl. Sprl. §94, 4, note); but there seems to be a sufficient similarity of meaning in the two cases, to justify us in the belief that both formations owe their origin to the same principle, although the original meaning of the ending seems in the case of the verbs in -бx∞ to have been split up into a number of subordinate significations. The sense of the Latin verbs in -sco is generally inchoative: cre-sco, gli-sco, quie-sco,na-scor,no-sco, di-sco, sci-sco, ira-scor, paci-scor, puera-sco, tenera-sco, illuce-sco, grande-sco, mature-sco, expergi-sco, contice-sco, &c. It is to be remarked, that not one of these keeps the -sco-form in the perfect; which is crê-vi, quiê-vi, contic-ui, &c. Pott has truly remarked (Etym. Forsch. 1. p. 56), that many Greek verbs in -ox∞, and more than people generally suppose, are genuine inchoatives: he instances ẞáσκω, γηράσκω, γενειά-σκω, κυΐ-σκω and κυΐ-σκομαι, θνήσκω (Holic θναί-σκω), “to be taken in death,” μι-μνή-σκομαι (Holic μι-μναί-σκοpai), ji-yvá-ónw. In others this meaning is less clearly seen, as ¿¿ðí-ózw, “I make sound," iλά-oxoμaι, “I make myself gracious," γαννύ-σκομαι, “I become merry,” ἁλί-σκομαι, “ I fall into the enemy's hands." The following have a causative signification, μɛdú-óx∞, πιπί-σκω, γαμί-σκω and γαμί-ζω, πινύ-σκω and πινύσσω, διδάσκω, ἐπιβα-σκέμεν, πιφαύ-σκω and πιφά-σκομαι, ἀναβιώ-σκομαι, μιμνήσκω, ἀρέσκω, &c. Now it is sufficiently obvious that the only difference between an inchoative and a causative is this, that the one is a passive, the other an active relation. But the idea of iteration or repetition presupposes the idea of a beginniug, and the very distinction between an imperfect and an iterative preterite is, that the former presumes a line, the latter a sequence of points, the former unbroken continuation, the latter a series of recommencements. We find an analogous ending, with a similar meaning, in nouns derived from verbs; thus we have δίσκος from δίκειν, λέσχη from λέγειν, αἶσχος from αἰδοῦμαι: in the last two instances the x is aspirated on the compensation principle, as in лá-6yw, root zɛvd-; for the root of the former is λɛy- or λɛƑ, as we shall show hereafter, of the latter Fad-, Lithuanian gêda: the first seems to stand for dixбxos, or the x has been dropt, as in λá-oxw (λaxɛĩv), di-sco (doc-ere), μί-σγω, mi-sceo (μιγῆναι), ἴσχω (έχω), (above, § 219). The pronominal roots sa, ka, are ultimately the same; as tenseendings we have established their identity. If, then, our view of the termination -6x is correct, this is a junction of two forms of the same element, just like the very common pronominal endings -n-t, -tă-nă, &c.; and the principles already explained will enable us to understand how a compound signifying successive proximity may be used to express the ideas of inchoation, continuance, repeated action. growth and causation. As the locative ɩ may become a verb root, and denote the act of placing, so 6x- is found as the element of a set of words which denote progression by successive steps. Such are σκάλλω, σκάζω, σκέλος, scando, scala, &c. See Kenrick, Herodotus, p. 24.) CHAPTER III. THE MOODS AND PARTICIPLES. 88 Distinctions of mood are rather syntactical than etymological. 389(1) Subjunctive and optative. Forms of the subjunctive. 390 Explanation of the optative. 391 Subjunctive and optative related as future and aorist. 392 Different forms of the future. 393 The relations of tense between the subjunctive and optative are indicated by their syntactical use. 394 Especially by the construction of où un. 395 Correspondences of the future and subjunctive in hypothetical sentences. 396 Their appearance in the same final sentence. 397 Use of the optative to express a wish. 398 The subjunctive and future interchanged in Latin. 399 Sanscrit forms. 400 Subjunctive and optative appear as differences of tense in modern languages. 401 (2) Imperative and infinitive. The former distinguished by its person-endings only. 402 Active person-endings of the Greek imperative. 403 Passive person-endings. 404 Sanscrit imperative. 405 Greek infinitive. 406 Latin infinitives. 407 Sanscrit infinitive. 408 Connexion between the imperative and infinitive. 409 This is especially manifested in the false analogy which led to the passive forms of the imperative. 410 The three different forms of the infinitive active are the locatives of three verbals. 411 The Greek infinitive passive. 412 Latin and Sanscrit forms. 413 (3) Participles. Forms in -nts. 414 Perfect participles. 415 Origin of the present participle. 416 Infinitive and participle, how related. 417 Adjectives and participles. 418 Teutonic infinitive-a declinable participle. 419 Latin gerunds and supines. 420 Participles used absolutely in Greek, Latin, and Sanscrit. 421 Paradigms. 422 I. Greek verb, TúпTO. 423 II. Sanscrit verb, tudâmi. 424 III. Latin verb, tundo. 388 THE HE distinctions of mood and tense are due rather to the methodical language of syntax than to any essential varieties in the forms themselves. The imperative mood is merely the indicative with a peculiar affection of the personendings, and the infinitive is merely a fixed or adverbial form of the participle, which again is an adjective derived from the third person plural of the present indicative, just as dηuódios springs from the genitive of duos. With regard to the subjunctive and optative, although it is customary in Greek Grammars to class them as distinct moods, having tenses of their own, it has long been felt by scholars, on syntactical grounds, that, considered in their relation to one another and to the other moods, they must be regarded as differing in tense only. It has also been observed that the person-endings of the subjunctive correspond to the primary forms, or those of the primary tenses, while the person-endings of the optative always agree with the secondary forms, or those of the historical tenses |