the passage of the law and the day when the enumeration was to commence. The term of six months, limited for the returns of the marshals, was also found even then too short; and must be more so now, when an additional population of at least three million, must be presented upon the returns. As they are to be made at the short session of Congress, it would, as well as from other considerations, be more convenient to commence the enumeration from an earlier period of the year than the 1st of August. The most favourable season would be the spring. On a review of the former enumerations, it will be found that the plan for taking every census has contained improvements upon that of its predecessor. The last is still susceptible of much improvement. The third census was the first at which any account was taken of the manufactures of the country. It was repeated at the last enumeration, but the returns in both cases were necessarily very imperfect. They must always be so, resting of course only on the communications voluntarily made by individuals interested in some of the manufacturing establishments. Yet they contained much valuable information, and may, by some supplementary provision of the law, be

The co

rendered more effective. lumns of age, commencing from infancy, have been confined to a few periods, all under the number of forty-five years. Important knowledge would be obtained by extending those columns, in intervals of ten years, to the utmost boundaries of human life. The labour of taking them would be a trifling addition to that already prescribed, and the result would exhibit comparative tables of longevity highly interesting to the country. I deem it my duty further to observe, that much of the imperfections in the returns of the last and perhaps of preceding enumerations proceeded from the inadequateness of the compensations allowed the marshals and their assistants in taking them.

"In closing this communication, it only remains for me to assure the Legislature of my continued earnest wish for the adoption of measures recommended by me heretofore, and yet to be acted on by them, and of the cordial concurrence on my part in every constitutional provision which may receive their sanction during the session, tending to the general welfare.

JOHN QUINCEY ADAMS." Washington, Dec. 2, 1828.

T

HE late earl of Liverpool was born on the 7th of June, 1770. His mother died while he was an infant. His father, then Mr. Jenkinson, placed him, at a very early age, at a respectable academy at Parson's Green, near Fulham, where he remained until he entered his thirteenth year. He was then removed to the Charter-house, where he continued between two and three years, and considerably increased his acquaintance with classical learning. There are in the possession of one of his schoolfellows several accurate and elegant translations from Greek and Latin authors, as well as many original compositions, manifesting superior taste and judgment, which were produced by him at that time.

No long interval elapsed between his leaving the Charterhouse and his entering Christ Church, Oxford. During the intervening period, his father availed himself of the opportunity, to give a more definite direction to his studies, and to sow the seeds of an extensive acquaintence with state affairs, and with the best models and means of political government. A catalogue of the best writers on VOL. LXX.

the different branches of public economy was put into his hands, and a selection from their purest and ablest works was prepared for him, to blend with his other college occupations. Among other branches of political science, commerce and finance were especially attended to; and while the more abstract departments of knowledge were not neglected, chief attention was paid, by both father and son, to the more practical and popular.

At college Mr. Jenkinson was the companion and friend of Mr. Canning: a circumstance to which Mr. Moore and others have attributed the secession of the latter from the political faith in which he had been educated. The friendship thus early commenced, was of an unusually permanent character, and had more than once a very important influence on Mr. Canning's public life.

Mr. Jenkinson paid a visit to the metropolis of France about the period of the breaking out of the Revolution, and was at Paris when the Bastille was demolished by the mob. Intimately acquainted with Mr. Pitt, Mr. Jenkinson's residence at Paris was at that time of essential service to the British go2 G

vernment as a means of accurate information of the state of affairs in France.

On his return to England he was introduced to parliament as one of the representatives of Rye, and under the avowed patronage of the minister. His election, it is remarkable, took place full twelve months before his age allowed him to sit in the House, and he returned to pass the intervening time in acquiring fresh continental information. In the year 1791, having reached his twenty first year, he took his seat in the House, and on the 27th of February, 1792, he made his first speech, in opposition to the resolutions of Mr. Whitbread on the question of the empress Catherine persisting in her claim to Ockzakow and the adjoining district. His address manifested a profound knowledge, not only of the subject in dispute between Russia and Turkey at that juncture, but also of the general affairs and prospects of Europe, and the proper duty of England in relation to the continental nations. No doubt was entertained, from this first effort, that Mr. Jenkinson would rise to be a distinguished parliamentary speaker, and an efficient member of the British cabinet.

In the debates which soon after took place respecting the slave trade, Mr. Jenkinson opposed the abolitionists. His father was one of the chief opponents of the abolition in the House of Lords, and that probably influenced the early decision of Mr. Jenkinson on the subject. On the 2nd of April, 1792, Mr. Wilberforce moved as a resolution in a committee of the whole House, "that it is the opinion of the committee that the trade carried on by British sub

jects, for the purpose of obtaining slaves on the coast of Africa, ought to be abolished." Mr. Dundas proposed to insert the word " gradually" before the word "abolished." In the course of the debate Mr. Jenkinson moved as an amendment, "that the chairman should leave the chair." This amendment was rejected by a large majority; and Mr. Dundas's proposition was agreed to.

On the deposition of the king of France, the British ambassador, lord Gower, was recalled from Paris. When, on the 15th of December following (1792), Mr. Fox moved an address to the king, praying "that his majesty would be graciously pleased to give directions that a minister might be sent to Paris, to treat with those persons who exercised provisionally the functions of the executive government of France, touching such points as might be in discussion between his majesty and his allies, and the French nation," Mr. Jenkinson, in the temporary absence of Mr. Pitt (who had vacated his seat in the House of Commons, by accepting the wardenship of the Cinque Ports), replied to Mr. Fox in a speech of great animation and power. "On this very day," he exclaimed, "on this very day, while we are here debating about sending an ambassador to French republic on this very day is the king of France to receive sentence; and, in all probability, it is the day of his murder. What is it, then, that gentlemen would propose to their sovereign? To bow his neck to a band of sanguinary ruffians, and address an ambassador to a set of murderous regicides, whose hands were still reeking with the blood of a slaughtered monarch, and who, he had pre

viously declared, should find no refuge in this country? No, sir; the British character is too noble to run a race for infamy; nor will we be the first to compliment a set of monsters who, while we are agitating this subject, are probably bearing through the streets of Paris-horrid spectacle! the unhappy victim of their fury." Mr. Fox's motion was rejected without a division. The talents and efforts of Mr. Jenkinson on this occasion were warmly complimented, especially by Mr. Burke. From that time, he rapidly rose in the consideration of all parties; and began commonly to take a prominent part in combating the arguments of the Opposition.

In April, 1793, Mr. Jenkinson was appointed one of the commissioners of the India board, the duties of which situation he performed with equal satisfaction.to the company and the government.

When Mr. Grey, on the 6th of May, 1793, brought forward his memorable petition on the subject of parliamentary reform, Mr. Jenkinson stood foremost in the rank of its opposers; defending with great acuteness the existing state of the representation, and maintaining that the House of Commons, constituted as it was, had answered the end for which it was designed.

On the 6th of March, 1794, Mr. Grey moved an address to the king, expressive of the concern of the House that his majesty should have formed an union with powers whose apparent aim was to regulate a country wherein they had no right to interfere. Mr. Jenkinson, in reply, rapidly sketched the real views of the combined powers, whose object he insisted, was both real and practicable. On the 10th

of April, major Maitland having proposed to the House of Commons to resolve itself into a committee, to take into consideration the causes which had led to the failure of the army commanded by his royal highness the duke of York, at Dunkirk; and having entered into an elaborate examination and condemnation of the measures of ministers throughout the whole of the preceding year, Mr. Jenkinson contended, in opposition to the major, that no exertions had been wanting on the part of the ministry. It was on this occasion that Mr. Jenkinson observed, "he had no difficulty in saying, that the marching to Paris was attainable and practicable; and that he for one, would recommend such an expedition." Often, and long was he taunted in parliament, and elsewhere, with this memorable suggestion; yet he lived to see the idea realised by the measures of himself and his colleagues.

Mr. Jenkinson on the 25th of March, 1795, married the hon. lady Theodosia Louisa, third daughter of Frederick Augustus Hervey, fourth earl of Bristol, and bishop of Derry.

The address at the opening of the session of 1795-6 was remarkable for being seconded by the late marquis of Londonderry, then Mr. Stewart, in the first speech delivered by him in the English House of Commons. He was answered by Mr. Sheridan, who threw out many invectives against ministers, advising them to declare themselves willing to treat with the French republic. Mr. Jenkinson replied to Mr. Sheridan, and repeated his former arguments in justification of the measures of government.

Upon commercial subjects, Mr. Jenkinson might be expected, in

the language of Mr. Sheridan, to have some claims to "hereditary knowledge." He always entered upon them with confidence; and, on Mr. Grey's motion in the House of Commons, 10th March, 1796, for an inquiry into the state of the nation, he took an able view of the effect of the war upon our commerce, from its commencement, and contended that, notwithstanding the weight of so great a war, the commercial situation of Great Britain was more prosperous than at any antecedent period.

On the 28th of May, 1796, Mr. Jenkinson participated in the honours of his family so far, as to exchange that surname for the second title of his father-lord Hawkesbury; who was at that time created earl of Liverpool.

When the great measure of a legislative union with Ireland was proposed, it received lord Hawkesbury's entire concurrence. The subject was introduced on the 22nd of January, 1799, by a message from the Crown; and in the discussion which ensued, his lordship expressed his warm approbation of the intentions of government respecting it.

On the temporary retirement of Mr. Pitt from power, early in 1801, the formation of a new ministry was announced on the 14th of March in that year; and lord Hawkesbury was appointed to the important office of Secretary of State for the Foreign Department. The great business of the succeeding summer and autumn, was the adjustment of preliminaries of peace with France. Of course, lord Hawkesbury, as foreign secretary, was intrusted with the interests of Great Britain in the negotiation which was opened on the subject, and which

was ended on the 28th of March, 1802, by a definitive treaty of peace, between the French republic, the king of Spain, and the Batavian republic, on the one hand, and the king of Great Britain and Ireland on the other.

In the memorable debate on this peace, which occurred on the 13th of May, 1802, lord Hawkesbury defended the treaty in a speech of great length; and which was considered, at the time, to be much the ablest that had been delivered on the subject in either House of parliament.

While France was adding to her influence or actual domination over the states of the continent, the first consul endeavoured to divert the attention of the British ministers from his plans, by complaints of the British press. He sent instructions to his ambassador to remonstrate with government upon the remarks of the public writers on his character and conduct; affecting to be totally ignorant of the little redress any ministers of this country could obtain for him in such a case. Lord Hawkesbury is admitted by all parties to have nobly vindicated the public character and liberties of his country, in the correspondence that ensued. "I am sure," says the noble lord, in his reply, through Mr. Merry, to one of M. Otto's official notes, "I am sure you must be aware that his majesty cannot, and never will, in consequence of any representation or any menace from a foreign power, make any concession which can be in the smallest degree dangerous to the liberty of the press, as secured by the constitution of this country. This liberty is justly dear to every British subject. The constitution admits of no previous restraints upon