poses by such means other incidents leave us in no doubt. The aged Canaris has long been a senator. Within a few months the ministry introduced a bill into the chambers which was intended to confer additional emoluments and the rank of vice-admiral on the revolutionary hero. This called forth from Canaris a letter addressed to the ministry, which will be read with pleasure wherever political honesty and private integrity are accounted virtues.

With amazement did I last evening read in the official column of the general newspaper of the ministry the announcement of a bill appropriating to me a monthly salary of 1,000 drachms ($2,000 per annum ;) for I replied clearly and distinctly to Mr. Colocotronis, the messenger of the king, that I would receive neither contribution nor the rank of vice-admiral, which he came commissioned to offer me. . . . On other occasions also, when such offers have been made to me by ministers, I have answered in the same language, and have made it evident that my opposition did not arise from the neglect of my rights, (for I have the conviction that the Greek nation will recognize and give to my children, if I am no longer living, that which I justly claim;) but that it sprang from the course of the government, which has made of no effect the constitutional form of polity, as it has destroyed the national power.*

On a recent occasion King Otho found himself in a position of some difficulty, and his method of surmounting it was such as exemplified his native obstinacy of character. Scarcely had the chambers assembled when the lower house showed the strength which the opposition held by refusing to elect a speaker favorable to the administration. With no better ostensible justification than this the king peremptorily dissolved the house, and ordered a new election of members. From private sources of information, however, which we deem worthy of credit, we learn that a more powerful motive led to the decisive step. The king had been apprised that it was in contemplation to bring up for discussion and settlement the question of the succession. As the Queen Amelia has no children, the crown of Greece, on the demise of Otho, would, in accordance with the constitutional provisions, pass to his younger brothers in the order of seniority. Never, however, can the crowns of Bavaria and Greece be united upon the same head. Now the constitution prescribes that, although the present sov*See the letter in full in the Athenian journal 'Aotǹp tñs 'Avatoλns of April 1st, (April 13th, New Style,) 1861.

FOURTH SERIES, VOL. XIV.-3

ereign is a Roman Catholic, his successors must profess the Greek faith that of the vast majority of the people. Otho's brother Adalbert refuses to accept the throne upon this condition; and it is not improbable that not a member of the Bavarian royal family will consent to the sacrifice of his faith. Accordingly a large portion of the Greeks are desirous of fixing upon some member of another royal house of Russia, France, or England, who shall be recognized at once as the heir-apparent, and from the selection they hope for great political advantages. Any agitation of this question is naturally displeasing to the king. Hence the abrupt dismissal of the lower house of the legislature. When the election took place a few weeks later the ministerial party was completely successful. This result was attained by the most strenuous exertions. We do not know that there was any evidence of fraud, but the moral influence of every official, from the nomarch, or governor of the province, down to the most insignificant local magistrate, was put forth to its utmost stretch in offering inducements to the ignorant peasantry to vote for the government's candidates. So flagrant was this abuse that the ambassadors of two of the protecting powers, England and France, are said to have entered their protests against it.

An administration so rigid, with so little power of adaptation to the fluctuations of public opinion, is evidently in great danger of sudden and entire destruction upon some new and even trivial issue. That the monarch and ministry have been apprehensive with regard to the security of their tenure of power, is apparent from the frequent and arbitrary seizures of public journals, and yet more patent from the numerous arrests of persons charged with conspiracy, with which the Greek papers have for some weeks come to us freighted. But whether such a conspiracy is real, and if so what are its dimensions, are questions which we cannot now answer.

If the monarchy under the management of Otho has failed to erect a firm national party and policy, it is no less demonstrable that it has signally disappointed the hopes of both Greeks and foreign well-wishers in fostering the development of the physical resources of Greece. With an expenditure of nine millions of drachms annually ($1,500,000) upon the army and navy, scarcely a drachm can be spared for internal im

provements. It was some time since calculated that at the rate then adopted, two hundred and fifty years would be required to complete a tolerable system of public roads then in contemplation. For many years nothing of any importance has been accomplished toward the introduction of such communications as shall enable the wagon to supplant the mule and pack-horse. We do not complain of the neglect of railroads and canals; for the multitude of mountain ranges precludes the construction of the former, and the streams are too insignificant and variable to supply water for the latter. A few railroads may, however, be laid out in two or three of the larger plains; and we learn that there has just been signed between the government and a French company a contract for a short railroad to connect Athens and its port Piræus, about five miles distant.

Did our limits permit, we should here notice the want of encouragement extended to agricultural and mechanical pursuits, and the positively injurious legislation by means of which they have been repressed. Nor would our view be complete without a notice of the remarkable success which, on the other hand, has attended the educational system inaugurated by King Otho, for which he is entitled to no ordinary credit. This subject, however, deserves separate treatment.

While a candid survey of the course of the regency during the minority of the present king, and of that king and his constitutional advisers in more recent years, compels us to acquiesce in the prevalent opinion that the European Powers erred greatly in their selection of a monarch and of a regency for Greece, we must do the Greek people the justice not to render them accountable for follies and sins of which they were in no sense the authors. Much less must we conclude that the Greek Revolution, achieved at so large a cost of life and property, was a failure. If its fruits have not been such as may have been anticipated, we must make ample allowance for the infirmities of our frail human nature, especially as degraded and repressed by long-continued bondage; and we must not forget that many of our reasonable expectations have been disappointed by the incapacity of foreign rulers. More congenial institutions and an administration of a higher moral tone would have produced far nobler results; and these may be gained for Greece by some change in its political relations, not definitely

foreseen at present. Certainly the Greek Revolution has proved no failure. The future will mark its important connection with the grand events which are to effect the regeneration of the East. But even were there nothing to hope for beyond the benefits already attained, the struggle was not made in vain; unless, indeed, the establishment of a system of instruction which is carrying the light of science and art into the darkest and most remote portions of Turkey, the education of an entire nation in the principles of constitutional government, and the diffusion of civil and religious liberty, are to be regarded as bought at too great a price when the temporary loss of material wealth is the purchase money. It is, however, an encouraging sign that the views of Greek statesmen are not confined to the narrow limits within which diplomacy has restricted Greece, but that they bear continually in mind the millions beyond with whom their ultimate union is inevitable. Hence arises their jealousy of anything that shall tend to impede the realization of the high ambition of the race ;* a jealousy often manifesting itself unfavorably even to the advance of evangelical religion, as destroying that fanatical devotion to their ancestral Church which has proved so powerful a bond of nationality during ages of oppression.

It must not be forgotten, however, that for the accomplishment in its full extent of the important mission of the Greek race, the power of a purer religion and a more elevated morality is requisite. A quarter of a century ago Mr. Finlay remarked, that "the moral improvement of the Greeks holds out the only rational hope of re-establishing order amid the increasing anarchy of the Ottoman Empire." That improvement, although slow in its movement, is nevertheless in steady progress. The intercourse with Western Europe, more constant and

*The statement of Gladstone in the British House of Commons, that the Greeks were not desirous that the Ionian Islands should be united to their kingdom, was made the subject of animated inquiry in the Greek Parliament. In each house the ministry were called upon to state whence the English secretary had received such assurances. On the 29th of May, (June 10, New Style,) 1861, the Greek prime minister replied "that the government had never expressed itself averse to the union; nor could any one suppose it possible for it or any one of the Greeks to oppose union not only with the Ionian Islands, but with any other portion of the entire Greek race. Yet it had never felt free to express its desire for the union, being restrained by the feelings of respect and gratitude due to a great power which had rendered Greece signal benefits." ('Aotùp tūs ’Avatoλñs of June, 1861.)

intimate than ever before, is highly favorable. Many Greek scholars completing their studies at foreign universities imbibe, if not superior religious conceptions, at least stricter theories of ethics. The faithful and devoted American missionaries, laboring with little immediate and visible fruit of their toil, have not established schools and preached the Gospel in vain. Their converts have been few, but when they have passed from the scene of their self-sacrificing devotion they will leave valued native laborers to carry on the work. One of these, Dr. Kalopathakes, has already maintained an excellent family religious newspaper for nearly four years, besides distributing many copies of the Scriptures. Through the instrumentality of the missionaries also the Bible has become a text-book of instruction in the public schools of the kingdom. Its introduction into the course of education augurs well for the future of the Greek people.

ART. III.-JOHN WESLEY AND "THE CHURCH.”

It is no longer a matter of surprise, but it is still a matter of curious interest to Methodists, that writers of other religious denominations, especially "Churchmen," should exhibit so much solicitude for them, with so much depreciation of their peculiarities if not of their character. Pursuing their humble and somewhat peculiar methods of usefulness to the world, and singularly isolated from these denominations by repellant aspects of the latter toward them, they have nevertheless, during the more than a hundred years of their history, been called, almost incessantly, by admonitory or entreating voices, to heed this edifying example of fraternal concern. From "Deacons” and

"Presbyters," and even from the high places of Bishops, they have been exhorted, often with a marvelously patronizing dignity and self-conscious condescension, "to return to the Church," assured that they might do much good therein, and would be received very lovingly to its maternal and luxurious bosom. It would seem even that John Wesley were already canonized by "the Church" which treated him for so many years with the most motherly strictness, not to say severity, banishing him with his