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Lord Harrow by
Lord Eldon -
Lord Westmoreland
Lord Bathurst
Lord Liverpool -
Right Hon. N. Vansittart
Right Hon. Charles Bathurst
Lord Viscount Melville
Lord Mułgrave
Lord Sidmouth
Lord Castlereagh

Lord President of the Council. "Lord High Chancellor.'

Lord Privy Seal.
President of the Board of Trade.
First Lord of the Treasury (Prime Minister)
Chancellor and Under-Treasurer of the Ex-

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster,
First Lord of the Admiralty.
Master General of the Ordnance.,
Secretary of State for the Home Department.
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.
Secretary of State for the Department of

War and Colonies. President of the Board of Control for the

Affairs in India.

Lord Bathurst

Lord Buckinghamshire

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Vol. XXIH. No. 1.1 LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 2, 1813. [Price ls.



asserted, that America would be totally PRINCE REGENT,

ruined by six months of war; that the peoON THE DISPUTE WITH AMERICA.

ple would not pay the taxes necessary to

carry it on; that the President, for only Letter X.

barely talking of war, would be put out Sir,

of his chair; that the " American Navy," During the two years that I was impri- as it was called by way of ridicule, would soned in Newgate, for writing and publish- be "swept from the ocean in a month;" ing an article upon the flogging of certain and, that, in short, a war with America was English Militia-men, at Ely, in England, a thing for Englishmen to laugh at; a subunder the superintendence of Cerman ject of jest and mockery, troops, and for which writing and publish- This was the style and tone of the hireing I, besides, paid your Royal Highness ling press in London, and, with very few a fine of a thousand pounds, in behalf of exceptions, the country prints followed the your Royal Sire; during that time I endea- stupid and insolent example. Events have voured, in various ways, to expiate my of- already shown how false all these assertions fence, but in no way more strenuously than were; and now, as is its usual practice, in trying to dissuade you from yielding to this same corrupt press is pouring forth new advice, which, as I thought, would, if | falsehoods, with a view of urging on the followed, produce a war with the Ameri- war, and of reconciling the people to its can States. That consequence, which I so calamities. much dreaded, and which I laboured with It was my endeavour to show your Royal so much earnestuess to prevent, has unhap- Highness the real state of the case. I said, pily taken place; and, though it may be of that the people of America, though wisely no service; though my efforts may still be averse froin war, as the great source of taxunavailing; nay, though I may receive ation and loss of liberty, would, nevertheabuse instead of thanks for my pains, Iless, submit to its inconveniences rather cannot refrain; the love I bear my own than submit to the terms which it was reCountry, and the regard I shall ever bear commended, in our hireling prints, to ima great part of the people of America, will pose upon them. I begged your Royal not suffer me to refrain from making one Highness to disbelieve those, who said that more trial to convince your Royal High- the American Government dared not go to ness, that the path of peace is still fairly war, and that Mr. Madison would not be open with that country, and that pacific re-elected. I besought you to reflect upon measures are the only nieasures which ought the consequences of rushing into a war with even now to be pursned.

that country, amongst which consequences In one of my Letters to your Royal I included the forming of a great Naval Highness, I endeavoured to convince you, force on the other side of the Atlantic, and that it was to the base, the prostituted the not less fearful measure of manning a press, of England, that we were likely to French Fleet with American Sailors. Our owe ihis war; I pointed out to your Royal hired press affects to turn into jest a propoHighness the means resorted to by that sition said to have been made by the Presipress in order to deceive the people of Eng- dent for the building of twenty frigates, land; and, I expressed my apprehensions, If he has made that proposition, however, that those means would succeed. Thai and, if the war continue only a year, your press, that vile and infamous press, which Royal Highness will find that the twenty is the great enemy of the liberties of Ea- frigates are launched upon

the ocean, The rope and America as well as of England, ignorant and saucy writers in London, who was incessant in its efforts to cause it to be live up to their lips in luxury, “and whose, believed, that, in no case, would the Ame- gains are not at all dependant upon the rican Government dare to go to war, It prosperity of the country; these men are


pot how the people suffer. Their object is none of whom are clad in rags; none of to prolong the war, which suits the views whom are without meat upon their table of all those with whom they are connected. daily; not one soul of whom would condeThey assert whatever presents itself as like-scend to pull off his hat to any human ly to promote this object, and, therefore, being. And this is the nation, a nation, they take no pains to ascertain whether the too, descended from ourselves, that the .building of twenty frigates is,' or is not, a hirelings of the London press represent as matter of easy execution in America. If destitute of resources ! they did, they would fmd, that the Ameri- Perhaps, Sir, the resources of America cans have the Timber, the Iron, the Pitch, are estimated according to the salaries which the Hemp, all of the produce of their own their public functionaries receive; and, country; all in abundance; all, of course, measured by this standard, our new enemy cheap; and, as to dock-yards, and other must, indeed, appear wholly unable to places to build ships, inquiry would teach contend against us for a single day; for the these ignorant and insolent men, that, in President, the Vice President, the Secretamany cases, the Timber grows upon the ries of State, the Treasury, War, Navy, very spot where the ship is to be built, and and all their clerks; that is to say, the that to cut it down and convert it into a whole of the Officers of the Executive Goship is to do a great benefit to the owner/of vernment, do not receive more than about the land.

half the amount of Lord Arden's sinecure, And, then, as to the pecuniary means: as stated in the report to the House of Comto hear the language of our hiresings, one mons in 1868. Nay, the Apothecary to our would imagine, that the people of Ainerica Army does, according to the same report, were all beggars; that the country contain receive, in clear profits, annually, as much ed scarcely a man of property ; that there as twice the amount of the Salary of the were no such things as money, house goods, President of the United States. Our Chief cattle, or manufactures. They must, in- Justice, in salary and emoluments, as stated deed, confess that the country grows corn ; in the Reports said before Parliament, rebut, somehow or other, they would have us ceives annually a great deal more than Mr. believe, that there are, in America, no Madison, Mr. Monroe, Mr. Gallatin, and means; no resources. They cannot dis- the Secretaries of War and the Navy in guise from us the fact, that there are fine America, all put together. I shall, percities and towns; that there is a commer- haps, be told, that our public functionaries cial marine not far behind our own in point ought to receive more than those in Ameof magnitude; that the exports from the rica. That is a point which I shall leave country amount annually to more than half for others to dispute. I content myself as much as our exports, and that they con- with stating the facts; but, if I am told, sist of articles of first necessity; that the that we ought not to measure the salaries country contains all the articles of useful of our functionaries by the American standmanufactory, and that manufactures are ard, I must beg leave, in ny turn, to promaking great progress; nay, that they have test against measuring the expenses of war arrived at great perfection; that the coun- in America by the standard of war expenses! try is stocked with sheep, that great source in England. I must insist, too, that the. of a nation's wealth, and that to so high a l'esources of a country are not to be measur-. degree have these animals succeeded, that ed by the standard of the salaries of its pubmany single proprietors have already flocks lic functionaries. I should take quite a of more than a thousand head. These facts different standard for the measuring of the the hired press cannot disguise from us ; resources of America. We know, that, for, at least, from those amongst us, who upon a population of len millions, in Great are not wilfully blind. Upon what ground, Britain, a revenue of about eighty millions then, Sir, would they have us believe, that of pounds is now annually raised; anda America is destitute of resources? The that, in these ten millions of people we inthings which I have here spoken of, are clude, at least, lwo' millions of paupers. things of which national riches consist: Now, then, if they raise but a tenth part as they form the means of making national much upon the eight millions of Americans, exertious; of sending forth fleets and ar- who have no paupers amongst them, their mies. And, we ought to bear in mind, eight millions will be four times as much that Ainerica, that this new enemy of ours, as was ever yet raised in the country in any has a population of more than eight mil- one year; and, it is, I think, not too much lions of souls ; none of whom are paupers ; to suppose, that an American will bear a tenth part as much taxes as an Englishman, war with America. I then said, and in the in the prosecution of a war declared by the most distinct terms and without any hesitavote of representatives freely chosen by the tion, that America would never be content people, al large. Eight millions of pounds without a complete abandonment, on our sterling, raised for three or four successive part, of the practice of seizing persons on years, would build a navy that I should, board her ships upon the high seas. I and that I do, contemplate with great un formed this opinion upon the general tong easiness; for, as I once before had the ho of the American prints; upon the declaranour to state to your Royal Highness, the tion of the Congress, and especially upon Americans are as good sailors as any that information contained in letters received from the world ever saw. It is notorious that friends in America, in whose hearts, strange the American merchant ships sail with as it may appear to some, my imprisonment, fewer hands, in proportion to their size, in Newgate seems to have revived former than the merchant ships of any other na- feelings towards me. These letters, writ- , tion; the Americans are active in their ten by persons (be it observed) strongly at-, persons; they are enterprising; they are tached to England, for no others did I ever brave; and, which is of vast consequence, number amongst 'my friends; these letters, they are, 'froin education and almost from assured me, that the people of Ainerica ;, constitution, SOBER, a virtue not at all not the government; not " a faction," as less valuable in an army or a fleet than it is our hirelings' have called thein ; that the in domestic life.

people of America, from one end of the This, Sir, is a view of the means and country to the aher, cried for war in preresources of America very different, per- ference to longer submission to the stopping haps, from the views which some persons of their vessels on the high seas, and taking might be disposed to present to your Royal persons out of them, at the discretion et Highness; and, if this my view of the mat- our officers. Upon this information, com: ter be correct, it surely becomes us to be ing, in some cases, three hundred miles very cautious how we force these resources from the Atlantic coasts, I could safely rely; . into actiou, and set them in array against and, therefore, I did not hesitate to prous, backed, as they will be, with the im- nounce, that the repeal of the Orders in placable hatred of the American people. Council alone would not preserve peace'; If, indeed, the honour of England required nor, was I a little surprised to hear Mr. the setting of these resources at defiance; Brougham declare, that if that measure did is England must either confess her disgrace, not satisfy America, he, for

a . * must basely abandon her known rights; support a war against her, one, would must knuckle down' to America, or The question, then, is now reduced to the consequences of what I have been speak. this: Does the honour of England demaud, ing of; I should then say, in the words of that shie insist upon continuing the practice the old Norinan proverb (adopted by the of which America complains, and agains. French in answer to the Duke of Bruns- which she is now making war? To anwick's proclamation), " let honour be swer this question, we must ascertain, whe" maintained, happen what will."

ther the practice of which But, Sir, the question is : does the honour plains be sanctioned by the usages of nutions ; of England require the making of this pe- whether the giving of it op would be to rilous experiment? In my opinion it does yield any known right of England; because, not; and I now, with the most anxious in the case of the affirmative, to yield would hope, that, at last, they may be attended be to make a sacrifice of our hongar, rather with some effect, proceed respectfully to than which I agree that we ought'ta contisubmit to your Royal Highness the reasons the war to the last extremity, it being upon which this opinion is founded. much less disgraceful to submit to actual

The dispute with regard to the Orders in force, than to submit to menaces. Council I look upon as being at an end; My opinion is, however, decidedly in for, though all is not quite clear in that re- the negative; and I will not disguise from spect, an arrangement seems to be matter your Royal Highness, that I never felt surof little difficulty. But, as I am sure your prise more complete (to give my feelings Royal Highness will do me the honour to no stronger appellation) than that whichis recollect, I took the liberty to warn the experienced at reading the following paspublic, the very week that the Orders in sage in the letter of Lord Castlereagh to Council were done away, that that measure Mr. Russell of the 29th of August last; alone would do nothing towards preventing " I cannot, liowever, refraje on one

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single point from expressing my surprise ; | impunity in deception, or, rather, encounamely, that, as a condition, preliminary ragement to deceive, which such' writers

even to a suspension of hostilities, the have so long experienced in England, I « Government of the United States should will not take upon me to determine ; but, 56 have thought fit to demand, that the Bri. I know well, that it is a most audacious s tish Government should desist from its falsehood; I know that America has never “ ancient and accustomed practice of im- expressed even a wish to make us give up

pressing British scamen from the mer. The right of search ;" and, if her go* chant ships of a Foreign Slate, simply on vernment were to attempt to accomplish of the assurance that a law shall hereafter such an end by war, I am quite sure that “ be passed, to prohibit the employment it would soon lose the support of the people. of British seamen in the public or com- But, “the right of search" is not, and 66 mercial service of that State.- - The never has been, for a moment, by any

British Government now, as heretofore, writer on public law, considered as a right 6 is ready to receive from the Government to search for persons, except, indeed, mi

of the United States, and amicably to litary persons, and those, too, openly “ discuss, any proposition which professes employed in the enemy's service. e to have in view either to check abuse in " right of search" is a right, possessed by te exercise of the practice of impressment, a belligerent power, to search for and to " or to accomplish, by means less. liable to seize as good prize, any articles contraband

vexation, the object for which impress of war, such as guns, powder, and the “ment has hitherto been found necessary, like, which may be on board of a neutral 6 but they cannot consent to suspend the ship going to an enemy's port; because, 6c exercise of a right upon which the naval by carrying the said articles, the neutral “ strength of the empire mainly depends, does, in fact, aid the enemy in carrying on “ until they are fully convinced that means the war. This right has been further ex* can be devised, and will be adopted, by tended to any goods, belonging to an ene" which the object to be obtained by the my, found on board a neutral vessel ; be" exercise of that right can be effectually cause, by becoming the carrier of his goods, * secured."

the neutral does, in fact, screen his goods, Being no Secretary of State for Foreign as far as possible, from capture, and does Affairs, I shall, I trust, be excused if I am thereby also aid the enemy. This is what found to understand less of the “ ancient is called “the right of search;" a right, « and accustomed practice” of Great Bri- however, which, as far as relates to goods, tain as to this matter ; but, Sir, I have has been often denied by neutral powers, never before heard, except from the Lon- and which we actually gave up to the don news-papers, that Great Britain did threats of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, ever, until now, attempt to take persons of towards the end of the last American war. any description out of neutral vessels sailing But, of this right, of no part of this upon the high seas; and very certain I am, right, do the Americans now complain. that such a practice is not warranted, nay, They yield to the exercise of this right in that it never was thought of, by any of those all its rigour. But, they deny that we authors who have written upon public law. have any right at all; they deny that we I do not recollect a single instance in which have a pretence to any right io stop thefr we have exercised what is here called a vessels upon the high seas, and to take right; and, if in the abandonment of the out of them any persons whatever, unless, practice, we give up no known right of indeed, military persons in the service of England, such abandonment can be no dis- our enemy; and, I repeat it, Sir, that I honour; unless, which would be a mon know of no usage of nations ; that I know strous proposition, it be regarded as disho- of no ancient usage of our own even ; that nourable to cease to do any thing, because I know of no law, maxim, principle, or the doing of it has been the subject of com- practice, to sanction that of which the plaint and the object of resistance. Americans complain, and in resistance of

The men who conduct the London news. which they are now armed and at war ; papers, and whose lucubrations are a sore and, therefore, I am of opinion, that to affliction to their native country, have long abandon this practice would be no dishobeen charging the Americans with a wish nour to England. to make England give up her " right of Lord Castlereagh talks of our right to * search." Whether this falsehood has impress British seamen from the merarisen from sheer ignorance, or from that " chant ships of a foreign scate." Im

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