which have made me submit to it: they are the most powerful feelings of affection, and the deepest impressions of duty towards your Royal Highness, my beloved Ghild, and the country, which I devoutly hope she may be preserved to govern, and to shew by a new example the liberal affection of a free and generous people to a virtuous and Constitutional Monarch, "I am, Sir, with profound respect, and an attachment which nothing can alter, your Royal Highness's most devoted and most affectionate Consort, Cousin, and Subject, (Signed) "CAROLINE LOUISA. "Montague-house, 14th of Jan. 1813." SUMMARY OF POLITICS. AMERICAN WAR.It will be useless, perhaps, but I cannot refrain from calling the attention of the public once more to the gross delusions practised upon it by the hired prints, with regard to this war. At first they said, that there would be no war; that war was the cry of the mere rabble; and that though Mr. Madison was himself corrupted by France, the Congress were not. When the Congress met, they, however, actually declared war. Then our hirelings told us, that the people were enraged with both President and Congress, and that, as the election of President was approaching, they would turn Mr. Madison out, and that thus the war would be put an end to.That election has now terminated; but, until the termination, or, rather, the result, was known, we heard of nothing but the certain defeat of Mr. Madison. He was sure to lose his election; and, indeed, several successive arrivals brought us the news of his having actually lost it. To which was added, that his rival, Mr. Clinton, had pledged himself to make peace with England. At last, however, comes the news, that Mr. Madison was re-elected! After this one would have supposed that the hireling press would, at least, have kept silence upon the subject; but, no. It had still a falsehood deft; and, it is now telling the people, the "thinking people" of England, that, next year, there will be a re-election of the Senale, when Mr. Madison will have a ma jority of ten against him in that body, and that, in consequence of such change, he will be compelled to make peace with us. What a people must this be to be thus deceived! And still to listen to such publications; aye, and to rely upon them too as implicitly as if they had always spoken the truth!-Nothing can, however, be stow your charity!" The Americans know how to estimate these things. They are at no loss to draw the proper inferences from such facts; and it is not the trash of Vetus about civilization that will cloud their reasoning.The American farmers are great readers. There are absolutely none of them who do not read much. They know, that we pay more in poor-rates only than double the amount of the whole of their revenue! That fact alone is enough for them. With that fact before their eyes, they will be in no haste to attain what this fop calls a high state of civilization.--Besides, as to the fact: all those who know America will say, that the farmers there are a class of men beyond all belief superior in understanding to those of England, or of any country in Europe. ment of the power of again taxing the coat or the candlestick of the American farmer. He does not perceive, that it will stop from our treasury many millions a year. When he is talking of the folly of introducing manufactures into America, he does not perceive, that that is the most deadly blow that the Americans can give to our taxing system. -From the empty verbiage of this writer, who has been well termed an old battered hack, I come to something of more importance; namely, the debate of the 18th instant, in the House of Commons, upon the subject of the war with America. I, perhaps, should not call it a debate, where, as to the only point at issue, all the speakers seem to have been of one mind and sentiment. But, be it what it may, it is of great importance to the liberties of mankind; and, as such, I shall notice it somewhat in detail. LORD CASTLEREAGH (aye, that is the man, Americans!) opened the discussion in the character of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. This man's name is well known to the world. This is now the man, who, after Perceval, is to maintain the justice and necessity of a war against America. They have plenty; they have no dread of the fax-gatherer; their minds are never haunted with the fear of want; they have, therefore, leisure to think and to read. And, as to what he says about their being absolved in the love of gain, the fact is the reverse. They have no motive to acquire great wealth, other than the mere vulgar love of money, seeing that no sum of money will purchase them distinction, seeing that millions would not obtain them a bow from even a negro. That is a country where the servant will not pull his hat off to his employer, and where no man will condescend to call another man his master. -Hence it is that the American farmer makes no very great exertions to become rich. Riches beyond his plain wants are of no use to him. They cannot elevate him; they cannot purchase him seals; they cannot get him titles; they cannot obtain commissions or church benefices for his sons; they can do nothing for him but add to his acres, which are already, in most cases, but too abundant.He has, from these causes, much leisure, and that naturally produces reading, particularly when the residence is in the country. So that the half-wild man, whose picture has The Papers, relating to the negociabeen drawn by Vetus is wholly foreign tion between the two countries, had been from the reality of the American farmer. laid before the House; and, in consequence -The American farmer does not hate of this, Lord Castlereagh, on the 18th, England. He hates a taxing-system, and brought forward a motion for " an Address he hates the English system; but, he does" to the Prince Regent, expressing the renot want war with England. He wants to gret of Parliament for the failure of the have nothing to do with her; and, though" negociation, and pledging themselves to he hates war, he is more afraid of a con- "a zealous and cordial co-operation with -nexion with her than with a war against "His Royal Highness in the prosecution of her. He wishes to see all those, who will the war, in support of the rights and be connected with her, expelled from his "interests of Great Britain, and the Hocountry; and, therefore, he is pleased to nour of His Majesty's Crown.” see the makers of knives and of coats rise This motion was carried with an unanimous up in his own country.- -To bring about voice, just as similar motions used to be this, to create manufactures in America during the former American war, when was the policy of Mr. Jefferson; an object about forty of such addresses were carried which has been now attained, through the up to the King. I shall now proceed to means of our hostility and of the revolution: notice such parts of the speeches as seem to in Spain.- -The continuation of the war me worthy of particular attention.—Lord for about three years longer will for ever Castlereagh set out with relating what had put an end to English connexion; and passed in regard to the Orders in Council, thus, the grand object of Mr. Jefferson's and, after having referred to the time and policy will have been secured during his manner of their repeal, and to the pledges probable life-time.This silly fellow, of support of the war given in case that reVetus, seems to be wholly ignorant of the peal should fail of producing peace with Amesubject. He knows nothing either of the rica, he said, as it is stated in the report in character or interests of the American peo-the Morning Herald, that, "he, therefore, ple. He senselessly urges on the war "should support the war against her. He, without at all perceiving the consequences" therefore, now flattered himself, that to which it leads. He does not perceive, "Government would meet with that supthat it will effectually deprive our govern- " port which had been so liberally pro 66 quelled by German Troops; here, I say, in this prison, I saw some of the manufac- › turers, who, after the success of Mr. Brougham's motion, were preparing to return home, full of joy in the assurance of a Frenewed and uninterrupted intercourse with America, and I told them, that they ought -They did not absolutely laugh in my face, but I could clearly perceive, that they did not believe a word that I said, and that they attributed my gloomy predictions to a feeling, which, though I might have been excused for possessing it, really was a stranger, as far as that subject went, to my breast.The truth is, that they saw no importance in any thing but commerce; they saw nothing in impressments to make a nation go to war; they regarded it as madness to suppose, that a nation would suspend its commercial gains for a single hour for the sake of a few thousands of men im mised. If this was really found to be the case if every attempt had been "made, that justice or forbearance could suggest, to conciliate America, and if, "notwithstanding, she had issued a decla ❝ration of war, and persisted in carrying "it on, after the concessions that had been made, where was the man that could re-to moderate their joy; for, that Mr. "fuse his assent to carry on the war with Brougham's success would not produce the ❝vigour adequate to our means? America effect they expected, but that, on the con"would thus see the united efforts of the trary, his pledge to support a war, if that "Country, and the unanimity of the measure failed to ensure peace, might be "House, that had been called forth by the attended hereafter with infinite mischief. line of policy that she had pursued. If "they looked at the documents that had "been published by the American Government as the grounds of the war, they, "should look at peace as an object very * distant, because the American Government placed the war on such extensive grounds as could not be removed by this "Country."- -It is very true, that there were people in the House of Commons to promise to support the war if the repeal of the Orders in Council failed to satisfy the Americans; but, I made no such promises and, therefore, I, though a fly amongst eagles, am at liberty to express my dis-pressed by a foreign power. I, however, approbation of the war.Nay, I most knew the disposition of the free people of distinctly said, at the time, that the repeal America better; I had heard the declaraof the Orders in Council would not satisfy tion of the Congress on the subject; I the American People. I had, indeed, said knew that that body, whose seats are not so many months before: and I had said it bought and sold, spoke the voice of the upon a knowledge of the fact. I had all people; and, upon this ground, together along said, that, unless we ceased to im with other ground that I need not be partipress persons out of American ships upon cular in naming, I founded my assurances the high seas, we should have war; and, to the manufacturers, that the repeal of the therefore, when the ministry were, by Mr. Orders in Council would not answer the Brougham, reduced to the necessity of re- end they expected from it; and I could not pealing the Orders in Council, 1, in an help, I must confess, feeling some slight address to the Prince Regent, prayed him to degree of anger against the manufacturing the add a relinquishment of the practice of im-bodies, when I saw them meeting to vote pressment, with which, I positively as- thanks to Mr. Brougham, without taking serted, that the other measure would fail the smallest notice of my incessant efforts of its desired effect.Nevertheless Mr. to prevent that destruction of their hopes, Ponsonby (as the leader of the Whigs) did which I saw would speedily tread upon the promise support to the war, if the repeal of heels of their exultation. However, this the Orders failed to satisfy America; and feeling has long been extinguished in my Mr. Brougham did the same. -The breast, and I only regret that I am without country was thus misled, and was prepared the power of affording any portion of assistfor a justification of this war. The manu- ance to the poor suffering wretches in the facturers, some of whom came to see me manufacturing districts. -To return now in Newgate, where I had been impri-to the debate; Lord Castlereagh talks of soned for two years, and sentenced to concessions made to America in the repeal pay a fine of a thousand pounds to of the Orders in Council. I have often the king, which I have since paid to shown, that there was, according to the his son in his behalf, for having written settled laws and usages of nations, no conand published upon the subject of the flog-cession at all. Nay, there was, according ging of some Local Militiamen, in the town to our own doctrine; according to our own of Ely, in England, who had been first part of the correspondence, no concession : 66 made to America.The thing is shown, a friend of France by a Scotch newsas clear as day-light, in two words. paper. The manufacturers of Paisley will, We all along avowed, that, in themselves by this time, have discovered, that I was considered, our Orders in Council were a a better friend of England than their impuviolation of the neutral rights of America; dent countryman, and that I foresaw an but, we asserted, that they were justified by obstacle to peace which had escaped the the violation of those same rights committed eyes of both the parties in parliament; for, by Napoleon; and we declared that we Lord Castlereagh now tells us, that such comwould cease our violation, the moment pensation was demanded as a preliminary to a France ceased her's. -France did cease; cessation of hostilities. "The Orders in we had, according to our own declaration," Council," he said, "were now wholly proof that France had ceased before we out of the question, by the overture for made the repeal. We then ceased; but, I an armistice on both sides: but even on put it to the common sense of the reader," the ground of the repeal of the Orders in whether this cessation ought to be called a "Council, the American Government had CONCESSION. Thus, according to "pressed the matter so far, and in such a our own doctrine; according to our own temper, as to admit of no amicable ardiplomatic correspondence; according to rangement. Mr. Russel had put in our own more solemn acts, the Orders "claims to have indemnity for all captures" themselves and the Declaration of repeal; "made by our cruizers under the Orders in according to all these, we made NO CON- Council since 1806. He did not say that CESSION at all to America.Why, this might not have been given up, but, then, talk about concessions? It may have" as the question stood, it evidently apan effect here; but, assuredly, it will have "peared that America had shewn no disnone in America, where the government" position to be satisfied with the forbearfa government chosen by and resting upon the free and unbought voice of the people) have constantly protested against our Orders in Council as an open and gross violation of the known and acknowledged rights of America, and as receiving not a shadow of justification from the violent and unjust conduct of France. To talk, therefore, of concessions seems to me to be something intolerable; but, to expect, that the people of America would, after the solemn declaration of Congress to the contrary; to expect that they would disarm upon our ceasing to violate one of their rights, while a still more grave subject of complaint existed; to entertain such an expectation as this, appears unaccountable upon any supposition than that of our ministers and members of parliament being wholly deficient in knowledge relative to the opinions and feelings of the American people, and the means of the American government. Besides, there was auother consideration connected with the re-reminded of the origin and nature of the peal of the Orders in Council; and that was, that, by the repeal we merely announced our intention to cease to violate a right. We said nothing about compensation for the past. This was very material; for, it was impossible that it should be overlooked by the American government, without an abandonment of all the principles upon which it had resisted the Orders in Council. I also pointed this out at the time, for which I was treated as a fool and "ance of this country."Well, if this might have been given up on our side, why not give it up at first, and see what it would do? However, the demand was made, we see, and I said it would be made. Indeed, it was manifest that it must be made. The American government could not avoid making it, without exposing itself to the detestation of the people, as a base abandoner of their rights; rights so long contended for, and sought to be redressed by means of so many and such large sacrifices.Now, our ministers and Mr Ponsonby and Mr. Brougham ought to have foreseen that this demand would be made, In not foreseeing it they shewed a want of knowledge upon the subject, and also a want of knowledge as to the circumstances in which America stood with regard to France, from whom she was, and still is, demanding indemnity upon exactly the same principle that she makes the demand on us.- -The reader cannot be too often Orders in Council. They arose, as we allege, out of the French decrees of Berlin and Milan, the two places at which the Emperor was when he signed them. These decrees violated neutral rights on the seas; but, it was declared in the preambles to them, that this violation was rendered neces sary by certain Orders in Council of England which enforced a greater violation of neutral rights.-We, upon the appearance of these Decrees, issued other Orders in Council, enforcing other violations of neutral rights. | I particularly wish the reader to bear in mind, that our Orders had, up to the mo ment of Napoleon's repeal of his Decrees, always been acknowledged by us to contain a violation of the known rights of neutrals; but, in our justification, we said, that it was forced upon us by the Decrees of the enemy. This was our language up to the moment of Napoleon's repeal. But, what says Lord Castlereagh now? So far from acknowledging, that the Orders in Coun 66 Both parties were complained of by America. Both parties call their measures retaliatory. Both parties allowed that their measures violated neutral rights. Both parties said they regretted that the measures had been forced upon them. Each party declared, over and over again, in the most solemn manner, that the mo ment the other removed or relaxed his measures he should find a joyful imitator in the party declaring.- -America pro-cil enforced a violation of any known neutested against the conduct of both. She tral right, he contends (if the report of said to us, that we had no right to violate his speech be correct) that they were her rights because they were violated by founded on our known primitive rights. France; and to France she said, that she The words, as they stand in the report, are had no right to violate her rights because these:-" The Orders in Council had been they were violated by us.At last, to a point on which considerable difference put the sincerity of the two parties to the" of opinion in this Country had prevailed, test, she passes a law, which says, that if," but they had been abandoned, not so. before the 1st of November 1810, both" much on the ground of this Country not parties have repealed their Decrees, their "having THE RIGHT, as with a view to commercial and friendly intercourse with "commercial expediency. He rather wishher shall continue; that, if one party does" ed, however, to wave the renewal of that. repeal and the other does not repeal by "branch of the question, now that the that day, then her ports shall be shut "whole proceedings of Government were against the non-repealing power in February" before the House. With respect to the 1811.Napoleon, in the month of Au- main principles of that system, Ministers gust, 1810, issued a Decree by which were still unaltered in their opinion, when his violating Decrees stood repealed on "the conservation of the Country rendered the 1st of the following November. This "it necessary to resort to it. At the time new decree was communicated to our "the measure was adopted such a system ministers by the American minister in" was necessary, not only as it respected. London, who expressed his hope, that, agreeably to our many solemn declarations, we should hasten to follow the example of France. Our ministers answered in a sort of vague way; but, at any rate, they did not repeal; and, in February," 1811, the law went into effect against us. Our goods and our vessels were shut out of the American ports, while those of France were admitted. We asserted, that Napo-"that system."-Now, I state, that the Jeon had not repealed his decrees. Ame- Orders of Council themselves, and the rica asserted that he had, but we would not papers of our diplomatic agents, and the believe her. We insisted, that she did not Speeches of Sir William Scott, almost exknow the fact nearly so well as we did. In plicitly acknowledge, that the measure was to short, we continued to refuse to repeal. be justified only on the ground of its being a At last, the great distresses and conse- relaliation on France; and that, in the two quent complaints of the manufacturers led former, is expressed, His Majesty's earnest to an inquiry, at the bar of the House of desire to imitate France in doing away these Commons, into the effects of the Orders obnoxious measures.-This was our lanin Council, when such a mass of evidence guage up to the moment when the repeal of was produced by Mr. Brougham in sup- the French Decrees was announced to us.→ port of the proposition, that the non-impor- Our language has, indeed, since changed s tation law of America was the principal and, it was, during the debates upon Mr. cause of those distresses, that the minis- Brougham's motions, coolly argued, that the ters, Perceval being dead, gave way and repeal of the Orders would make the Amethe Orders were repealed. This is the ricans the carriers of the commerce of the plain and true history of the matter; and world. But, though we have changed "France, but as connected with the sound"est policy for the general interests of the "British Empire. Had it not been for the "manly resistance given by that measure "to the power of France, France now would have been as triumphant, in a commercial point of view, as she was with respect to the Continent. He begged he might always be considered as an admirer of |