tisements, all dependent on the Ministry of find, in such men, soldiers ready to risk the day, draw almost the whole of the their lives for him, soldiers to beat his Country-papers into the Government vor- enemies: if you were to put these questions tex. So that, if the editors were, as some to the good thinking country people in of them are, well-informed men, the in- England, they would first stare at you; terests of the concern must be attended to; they would then grin; and they would, if and thus are the Country people, who read they gave you any answer at all, say that only the weekly abstract of the London Bony was a scoundrel, and that they hoped papers, kept in as complete ignorance of that the Russians would finish him. While the truth, as far as relates to Napoleon and the more cunning and wicked part of them his subjects, as are the people of Otaheite. would call you a friend of Buonaparte. In short, it is impossible to form an idea of This is the answer you would get. ignorance more complete.It is thus You would get no other; and on they would that they are always found on the side of go again to call him a butcher and a robber, those who are for war with Buonaparte. and speak of him as wishing to get hither They are made to believe, that he is a mere to rob and murder us.- -Were it not for devil in human shape; and, that it is his the base press of this country, the people serious intention to come here with an army never could have been so deceived as they to murder all the people. They believe, have been and still are. Nine out of ten of that he is a sort of wholesale murderer; them never read the official accounts from that he delights in the shedding of human France. They read only the abstract of blood; that he has butchered thousands the editor; and this he knows very well, with his own hands; and, looking upon otherwise he would not venture to make him in this light, how is it to be expected, that abstract, as he generally does, and say that they can ever think of peace with him? just the contrary of what the accounts con-If you were to tell them about the tain. He knows, that men of sense and incodes of laws that he has formed and put information will express their wonder at his force; about his institution of schools for impudence, and their contempt for his vethe education of the children of labour-nality; but, he also knows, they are a very ers and mechanics; about his vast improve- small minority; that his endeavours will ments in roads and canals; about the flou- generally succeed; that he has the fears rishing state of agriculture since his exalta- and the hopes of the herd with him; and, tion; about his unbounded encouragement which is the main thing, the falsehood is of the arts and sciences; about his infinite profitable to him; more so than the truth pains to enrich the public libraries and se- would be. When one considers, thereminaries of learning; about all, or any of, fore, the means that are made use of, one his acts of this kind, they would, if they ceases to wonder at the delusion which prebelieved you, let your statement in at one vails at the end of twenty years. ear and out at the other.Their minds ceases to wonder, that the same nation, who are choked up. They cannot, and they were so long persuaded, that they could will not see in him any thing but a fero-not preserve their property or their recious, a bloody tyrant, hated even more inligion while France was a Republic, France than he is in England.If you are now persuaded that the danger is were to ask them how it happens, that, if he be so universally hated in France, he can leave France for so long a time as he does without risking his throne; if you ask them how he can take away so many soldiers, if his government at home depend wholly on soldiers; if you were to ask them how he trusts himself with an army, composed entirely of conscripts, whom he has forced, in chains, as we are told, to form themselves into regiments; if you were to ask them, how he could force them, if all his soldiers hated him; if you were to ask them, how he comes to find, in those men who so hate him, and whom he has collected by the means of chains; if you were to ask them, how he comes to

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not less imminent when France is become again a Monarchy. One ceases to wonder, that the same nation, who cried out against liberty and patriotism while the French cried out for them, should now think it wise and just to carry on a war for what they are made to believe are liberty and patriotism.--The whole lies in these few words: the people of this country feel most grievously, the burdens they have to bear; but, the press makes them believe, that, unless Napoleon can be overset, they will have to suffer more than they now suffer.--So long as this belief can be upheld, the majority of the people will be for the war; and, it will be upheld until their suffering shall be so great as to

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shake this tenet of their political faith." discussing that point we must make our -If Napoleon succeed in reaching Pe- "stand upon this-never to commit our tersburgh, which I think not impossible, it "naval rights to the mediation of any powwould make an impression on the merchants This is the flag we must nail to the and manufacturers; but, very little upon "national mast, and go down rather than the farmers, whose corn would sell the "strike it. Before the war commenced, higher, and who would still see the war "concession might have been proper; we carried on with pleasure. There are some "always thought it unwise. But the hour few of them, who calculate upon better" of concession and of compromise is passprinciples; but not many; and the majo-" ed; America has rushed unnecessarily rity would still cry, war! -It seems to "and unnaturally into war, and she must me, that the burning of Moscow and the "be made to feel the effects of her folly consequent retreat of the French armies "and injustice. Peace must be the conwill have been the cause of adding some sequence of punishment, and retraction years to the length of the war upon the "of her insolent demands must precede neContinent; but, I do not think, that either "gociation. The thunder of our cannon that or any events now to come, upon the "must first strike terror into the American Continent, can have any effect at all as to "shores, and Great Britain must be seen the producing of peace with us. My opi-" and felt in all the majesty of her might, nion is, that, unless we have a reform at "from Boston to Savannah, from the home, we cannot remain at peace while" Lakes of Canada to the Mouths of the MisNapoleon retains any power at all; that we must reform, or overset him, or that we cannot have peace.

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"sissippi.——And before this article goes "forth to the world, her cannon have "been heard and her power felt. The "clamorous demagogues of America, the AMERICAN WAR.- -This war, as ap"turbulent democrats, the noisy advocates pears by advices from America, has been "for war with us, the pretended patriots further marked by our success by land and "of America and the real partisans of our failure by sea. I will not call it dis"France, assume now another tone. Their grace, or defeat; but, an American Sloop papers no longer speak the language of of War has now defeated an English Sloop "boast and menace. Fear pervades their of War for the second time. So that," towns on the sea coast-Alarm prevails owing to some cause or other, the Ameri- "in all quarters. They are more intent can Navy, upon equal terms, really seems upon removing their property than in to have gained the superiority.In the making head against the danger; and mean while, however, it is stated, that," though they boasted that they would supthrough the means of the mediation of " port Government with all their means Russia, an opening for a negociation for "and resources, with their treasures and peace is likely to take place. But, from "their blood, the Government cannot, in the language of our vile news-papers, the "the first year of the war, raise a loan of editors of which appear to hate the Ame-Four Millions sterling! These are the ricans for no other cause than that they are immediate consequences of a war entered not slaves, little hope seems to exist of a "into to gratify the passions of hatred and happy result. The article, to which I al-" envy of England, and to propitiate lude, was in the following words: "Captain Bedford, as we stated yester"day, has brought the official notification "of an offer on the part of Russia to me"diate between this country and America. "We hope it will be refused; indeed we "are sure it will. We have the highest 66 respect for the Russian Government, the "warmest admiration of its prowess, but we have a love for our naval pre-eminence that cannot bear to have it even "touched by a foreign hand. Russia too can hardly be supposed to be very adverse "to the principles of the armed neutrality, "and that idea alone would be sufficient ❝to make us decline the offer. But without

"France.". And, this is the language of peace, is it? It would seem, that writers like this feared nothing so much as an end to that war, which has already brought more disgrace upon the British Navy, than all the wars in which we were ever before engaged. It would really seem, that these men were paid to endeavour to cause an American Navy to be created, What other object they can have in view, in thus goading the Americans on to hostility and hatred, I cannot conceive.————I am sure, that the Times news-paper, by its senseless abuse of Mr. Madison and the Congress, and its insolent and contemptuous language towards the American peo

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ple, did much in producing this fatal war. -The thing we contend for is, the pracPaine has said, that it is the last feather tice of impressing persons on board neutral that breaks the horse's back; and, would ships on the high seas. This the Ameriit be any wonder, if this base print, by cans deny to be a right; they say, that it that insolence, those taunting menaces, never was before practised, or contended which it dealt a few months before the war for, or claimed, by any belligerent nation; was declared, was the last feather upon the they say, that, by no writer on public law; occasion? -It spoke of the Americans by no principle ever laid down by any such and their navy in a strain of contempt not writer; by no recognition of any power; to be endured. It told them, that their by no practice, by no assertion of ours, is boasted Navy should be towed into Halifax this act to be justified. In short, they say, in a month from the date of their declara- that it has neither law, precedent, nor reation of war. It said, that it hated other son for its basis.If they assert, in this enemies of England; but that Mr. Madison respect, what is not true, why not prove and his nation were unworthy of any thing it? Why not cite us the book, the treaty, but contempt.It was impossible for the public document, the principle, the any nation to put up with this. Libels the precedent, upon which we ground this most atrocious were published against Mr. practice? No one attempts to do this; Madison and all his brother officers in the and, until it be done, what impudence is government. The Naval Officers of Ame- it to say that we possess such a right ?----rica were spoken of as if they were dogs. Agreeably to all the principles of jurispru-' -In that country the people have some- dence, when a man claims a right to do thing to say as to public affairs; and, is it that which is, on the face of the thing, a any wonder, that such publications should trespass upon another man, he must first produce an effect amongst them, who read prove his right. There may be in John a every thing, and who well understand what right to pass across the field of James; but, they read?The President, we find, having now, for the first time, begun to has instantly, and with great avidity, ac- exercise this right, it is incumbent upon cepted the mediation of Russia. He is a him to prove it in the way of defence against very plain man. Wears, or used to wear, an action of trespass; and, if he cannot a grey coat, and his no-powdered hair prove it; if he can show neither written very smooth. He had no big wig, nor deeds nor bring evidence of precedent or any gowns, or any other fine thing upon custom, he suffers as a trespasser. Apply him. But, he seems to know very well this to the case before us, and will any one what he is about.Indeed, all he has say, that, in order to justify a war for such to know, is, what the people wish, and a practice, we ought not to produce somethat he knows by their votes. He knows, thing in proof of our right? I am for that they hate war, as the great and fruit-giving up no naval right of England; and, ful parent of taxation and arbitrary power; and that, to please them, he must avail himself of every thing that offers even a chance of putting an end to the war upon just and honourable terms.But, as you see, our hirelings exclaim against the acceptance of any mediation; even the mediation of Russia, who has committed her very fleet to our hands. For once, let us hope, that these men do not speak the language of the government. If we refuse the mediation of our own ally in the war; if we refuse the mediation of that power, who, we say, is about to deliver Europe and us from all the fears about Buonaparte, what will that power, what will the world say Is it not a little too much in this of our cause?We are not, it seems, writer to talk about concessions as demand"to commit our naval rights to the media-ed by America? She asks (I repeat it for ❝tion of any power." But, this is not about the hundredth time) for no concesproposed. The Americans do not dispute sions. She says we are trespassing upon any thing heretofore acknowledged by her, and we, without any attempt to prove them, or contended for by us, as a right. that we are not trespassing, accuse her of

if any one will show me any realy, any declaration of any power, and recognition, any maxim of any writer upon public law, or, any custom or precedent, of any power in the whole world, to justify our impressment of persons on board of neutral ships on the high seas, I will say, that our last shot ought to be fired, rather than cease our practice of impressment. Can I say more? Can I go further? Will justice or reason allow me to go further than this? The Americans will say, that I go much too far; but I am quite Englishman enough to go this length.Further, however, I will not go, call me what the hirelings will.

at all with France; but, is it likely, that, if the war continue, and the desire of revenge increase, some connexion will not be formed with France? With whom is America to ally herself but with our enemy who has ships in abundance, which she has not, and who only wants just those very sailors of which she has too many? This would give her a navy at once without a loan; or, which would be better for her, the use of a navy during war, without the encumbrance of it during peace.

demanding concessions, because she asks us to cease what she deems a trespass.— I really, upon no point ever observed these prints more base and impudent than they are upon this. It is so plain a case. America complains of a most injurious trespass; we call it the exercise of a right; she replies, prove your right; and we rejoin by accusing her of demanding concessions. However, she is now, it seems, to be punished.That word will go backwards down the throat of those who have made use of it." Punishment" is to -Would these spiteful and silly writers precede any peace with her. Poor, fool- like to see Decatur and Hull and Bainish wretch, who has written, or dictated, bridge on board of French ships of the line? this paragraph! She is to be punished Would they like to see a fleet of nine or ten and she is to retract, before we negociate a sail, manned with the same sort of stuff peace with her I beg the reader to that fired on the Java from the Constitubear this threat in his mind. Whether he tion?-My opinion is, that, if the war does or not, it will not be soon forgotten continue another year, they will see this; in America, where, we may be well as- and yet, they have the audacity, or the sured, that the bombarding, or burning, stupidity, to say, in print, that they hope of a few towns, will have no other effect the mediation of Russia will be rejected by than that of rendering the contest more our ministers!- -It has always been my bitter, and of completing the commercial fear, and I long before the war expressed separation of the two countries. Perhaps it, that it would produce a connexion of amongst the things the most wished for by this kind with France; and, if such conthe bitterest enemies of England in Ame- nexion has not already taken place, it has, rica, is the burning of a sea-port or two, perhaps, been owing solely to the fear of The loss would be triding in comparison giving a handle to the English party in the with the advantage to those who wish to States. If, however, we carry on a war cut the two countries asunder for ever. of bombardment, that party will, in a "Fear!" "Alarm!" What alarm short time, have no weight at all; and, are they in? Those who know them, the thirst for revenge will produce that, know how small a sacrifice the knocking which, under the influence of less hostile down a town would be. The country is a passions, might still have remained an ob country of plenty. There is more food ject of jealousy. To see a fleet, under the than the people want. It is not, as in allied banners of France and America, Russia, where famine follows war. To be would be to me a most fearful object. I sure, the inhabitants of the towns which am convinced it would present greater danare in danger must experience alarm; but gers to us than we have ever yet had to what has this to do with the whole coun- contemplate; and, therefore, I read with try; and what gain will it be to us? We indignation and abhorrence all these endeashall have expended some scores of thou-vours of English writers to exasperate sands of pounds in the undertaking, and people of America.I have never beshall have enemies for ever of many who lieved, that the crews of the ships, by were not our enemies before.In the which our frigates have been beaten were mean while, whatever this writer may say British sailors; I have always believed about the loan in America, ships of war them to have been native Americans, and will be built; a navy will grow up; sea- I still believe it. But, if, as our hired men will be formed in great numbers; writers have asserted, they were our own and, let peace take place whenever it may, countrymen, what is to hinder the ships of we shall have created a formidable rival on France to be manned in the same way? the ocean. Nor are we to suppose, if The British sailors, who are now, if there the war continue, that a closer connexion be any, fighting against their own country will not take place between America and in American ships, will, of course, be as France. Hitherto the war, on our part, ready to follow their commanders into has not had that effect. The American French ships; and, if that were to be the government, as if to give the lie to our in-case, this war for the practice of impresssolent writers, has formed no connexionment would have answered a most serious

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war, or of any grievance, unless they call for a reform of the parliament. To the want of this, and not to any other cause, we owe all that we have to complain of and to lament. Every evil may be traced to this source, and while it continues to flow, every evil will exist. To hear the Whigs talk about a change of ministry is disgusting.

We have seen that tried, over and over again. We have had, within the last 13 years, all the great talkers in place; and what good have they done us? They do not appear so much as to have thought of any thing for our relief.———I must confess, that, when I hear of people complaining and whining under the burdens that are laid upon them, and yet say not a word about a removal of the cause, they are objects of my contempt rather than of my pity. They smart under the Pro

end indeed. By a stroke of address not without a precedent in the history of our cabinet, we have got into a war with America upon the worst possible ground for us. We talk about the maintenance of our maritime rights; and this does very well with the people at large. "What!" say they, "America want to rob us of our "maritime rights!" But, what is this right? Suppose it, for argument's sake, to be a right, what is it? It is the right of impressing people in American ships on the High Seas. But, still to narrow it; it is the maritime right of impressing; and impressing whom? Why, British Seamen? One would think, that this should have been the last ground on which to make, or meet, a war. It is utterly impossible to divest oneself of the idea which this conveys; and equally impossible not to perceive the effect which must be property Tax, they writhe at the paying of a duced by it in the sailor's mind. For, either our navy does contain considerable numbers of seamen who wish to seek and find shelter under the American flag, or it -Let them smart then; let them does not. If it does not, why go to war writhe. If they will not ask for the only for this right of impressing them? If it effectual and constitutional remedy, let does, how must these same seamen feel as them suffer in silence.The old cheat of to the cause in which they are engaged? a change of ministry is, however, now be-I fancy this is a dilemma that would come too stale to deceive any body. There hamper almost any of the partisans of the is no man will now say, that he wishes for American war.—— I have always been dis- such a thing, unless he be to have a place posed to believe, notwithstanding the as- or profit of some sort in consequence of it. sertions to the contrary, that our seamen The Whigs do now-and-then make a little have not gone over to the Americans in effort to keep up the delusion, but the any considerable number; but, if, unhap-figure they cut only excites pity.They pily, I am deceived, I am quite sure that this war will have a strong tendency to aggravate the evil.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. "Mr. CANNING," says the parliamentary report of the 17th instant, "presented a Petition signed by 6,000 of the inhabitants of Liverpool, with the contents of "which he said he did not agree, lament"ing the grievances of the country, the "protraction of the war, the decay and ruin of our manufactures, and ascribing these evils to the defective state of Parliamentary Representation, and proposing, as the most effectual remedy, the shortening the duration of Parlia66 ments, the extension of the elective franchise, and the exclusion of placemen and pensioners from seats in that House. The Petition was read, and ordered to lie upon the table."-These petitions are, it seems, now coming in. It is in vain for the people to complain of taxes, of

fine to the Local Militia; but, tell them, that the remedy is a reform of the parlia ment, and they but too often turn from you.

are now by far the worst set of the two? They first betrayed the people, and then became their most bitter enemies.They dread a reform of parliament much more, I believe, than their opponents; so that, now there is nothing called party which pretends to wish for a reform. The people are left to themselves, and their way to proceed is to present petitions. That is all they can do. It is, at this time of day, quite useless to attempt to enter into the reasons for reform. They are all well known. They are felt by every man in the kingdom. The question is not, whether the measure ought to be adopted; but, solely what the people ought to do to bring about its adoption. Whe ther they ought to leave events to work the cure; or to endeavour, by their own constitutional exertions, to hasten it. I am for the latter, and, therefore, am glad to see so respectable a petition from Liverpool, WM. COBBETT.

Bolley, 19th May, 1813.