the goodness to place at the disposal of the Greek government pecuniary aid, which will infallibly furnish it with the means of providing for the most pressing wants of the army, the fleet, and other branches of the public service. This succour has, however, been guaranteed to us only on the conditions of making use of it with the greatest economy, solely for the defence of the country, to repulse the enemy, and to alleviate the extreme distress of the people, which has been greatly increased by the contagious disorder which the presence of the Turks has brought us, and which threatened us with still greater sufferings. We are thoroughly convinced, > that his majesty the king of Great Britain, and his majesty the king of France, will on their part grant us similar succour. Meantime, however, considerable as these subsidies may be, which will be given us simultaneously by these powers, the crisis of our affairs is not the less difficult, and the only means of getting out of it consists in showing ourselves worthy, by the amelioration of our internal situation, of the succour which we have received and of that which we shortly ex..pect." A In the present "high and palmy state of the fortunes of Greece, the very first question, which pressed itself upon the government, was, what were to be the boundaries of the new state. This was a question which the allied powers, parties to the Treaty of London, would have to settle - with Turkey; but the government, as was natural and right, had its own ideas upon the subject. The commission of the national assembly addressed "a declaration to the allied powers," in which they proposed that the northern boundary should be the northern mountains of Thessaly on the eastern side, and the course of the Vogussa on the western, thus excluding Macedonia. The first part of the line was to begin in the environs of Hatrin, pass by Savia at Greneura, following the course of the Haliacmon, up to the highest summit of Pindus : the other would commence in the district of Cenitza and descend to Vehemeru. These limits, they said, seemed to be pointed out by nature herself, and had always gotten the better of military and political events. The Greeks, however fond of extending their colonies, had never been able to establish themselves beyond the banks of the Vogussa. On the other hand, numerous irruptions made into Epirus in the middle ages by conquering nations, especially by the Sclavonians and the Albanians, did not succeed in destroying the Greek race, its language, and that spirit which was natural to it. That race, on the contrary, remained essentially predominating, so powerfully did its local connexions prevail over the effects of time and the force of events. If you went down from the mountains of Thessaly, you passed from a country, which by its geographical position had preserved itself very unmixed through successive ages, into Macedonia, peopled in a great measure by Mirous and Bulgarians, It was true that this boundary would include some small districts, the population of which had taken no share in the national struggle, but, on the other hand, it would leave out other districts which had taken an active part in the war, and whose highest wishes would be to form part of the renovated common country. The natural conformation of this line, moreover, gave it a political recommendation. Where boundaries do not coincide with some great natural features, but are lines arbitrarily laid down, they produce uncertainty, they furnish a dangerous facility, and therefore a temptation, to violation, and sooner or later, produce discord between the neighbouring states. L UNITED STATES.-Tariff Bill-President's Message-BRAZILPeace concluded with Buenos Ayres-Mutiny at Rio JaneiroBUENOS AYRES-COLOMBIA-Meeting of the Grand ConventionAddress by Bolivar-The majority of the Convention is hostile to Bolivar-Therefore the Convention is dissolved-Bolivar is invested with supreme power-A conspiracy against Bolivar breaks out in Bogota-Punishment of the Conspirators-Revolution in BoliviaBolivar declares war against Peru-PERU-MEXICO-Conspiracy of General Bravo, the Vice President-Election of a new President -General Pedrazza is chosen-Insurrection against his election— Insurrection in the Capital-Pedrazza leaves Mexico-CHILIMutiny of the military against the Government-GUATEMALA. self could produce. In its principle, therefore, there was nothing new. There might be some novelty in seeing it adopted by a state so purely mercantile, and which for many years had annually boasted that she was the sole depositary of very different and far sounder maxims; and perhaps it was more extraordinary still to find her estab N the United States, the public mind was exclusively occupied, but at the same time very eagerly occupied, with a bill introduced into Congress for raising the duties on manufactured articles imported from other countries, and on the raw materials of manufactures which formed branches of American industry. No measure, since the Federal Union was finally establishing it as the law of her policy, lished, ever excited more vehement party spirit, or gave to that party spirit more unconstitutional language, than did this measure for the regulation of trade. It did not divide merely individuals; it divided the states; and while it thus threw them into hostile masses, it impressed these dissensions with that unreasonable violence arising from personal interest, which makes such discords strain hard upon the bands which hold a political confederation together. The object and the effect of the bill were simple enough, viz. to throw obstacles in the way of foreign materials and manufactures which America her at the very time when European states were shaking themselves loose from its observance; but still it was a matter on which difference of opinion had existed, and did exist; it required in its discussion much wisdom and moderation; it did not require either animosity or faction. The New England States, who have never been convinced that they have their just weight and influence in Congress, considered it as a measure, by which their private and public prosperity was to be sacrificed to create an unfair, and an unsound, because an artificial, advantage to the landholders of the middle and western states. With no other object, said they, could it possibly have been brought forward. Nearly the whole revenue was derived from duties on imports; and if it had been necessary to raise the tariff of Custom House duties in order to meet the growing expenditure of the state, no objection could have been made to the new impositions. But this pretext was never used-and could not have been used. The existing duties were more than sufficient for every state necessity, and afforded a surplus by which the national debt was placed in a situation of rapid redemption; the new ones were to diminish the revenue, for their very object was to prohibit, or to limit, importation. The avowed purpose, therefore, of the law, said they, "is the creation and encouragement of domestic manufactures, at the expense of those portions of the union whose trade depends on the exchange of their raw or agricultural produce for the products of foreign manufacturing labour and skill. It is an attempted triumph of one half of the states over the other, an experiment which must totally alter the direction of industry in a great part of the Union-a sentence of confiscation passed on the trade of North and South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, and some other districts, for the benefit of Tennessee, Kentucky, the Ohio, New York, Pennsylvania, and other districts where manufactures are established;-in short, as the means of enriching the central and western states at the expense of the rest of the confederacy." This is the great evil and danger of federal unions. In all cases, self is a sufficiently active corrupter of public, as well as of private, duty; but its taint is a thousand times more deep and poisonous, where to the man's own personal self, against which an ordinarily well-trained mind will be on its guard, there is superadded the imposing patrioticlooking political self of one's own country. All the southern states voted against it: of the New England representatives, twenty-eight voted against it, and only fifteen in its favour. It passed in the House of Representatives, only by a majority of one hundred and five to ninetyfour. On the motion that the words "and for the encouragement of domestic manufactures," should stand part of the title of the bill, Mr. Randolph said, that the motion might pass, for "the bill referred to no manufacture of any sort or kind but the manufacture of a president of the United States"-referring to the idea very generally entertained, that the measure was a trial of strength among the states with a view to the approaching election. A Mr. Drayton moved to amend the title by calling it "an Act to increase the duties upon certain imports, for the purpose of increasing the profits of certain manufacturers:"-to which a Mr. Hodges proposed there should be added, "and to transfer the capital and industry of the New England States to other states in the Union." Even after the bill had passed, and become the law of the land, the opposing states did not merely declaim against it as a bad measure, to be repealed as soon as possible, but they began to question the power of Congress to enact it, and to speak darkly about the natural rights of the states. In the Southern states, professors of colleges began to lecture on the nature of the federal Union, for the purpose of showing, that the general legislature had no power, by the constitution, to alter the direction of industry for the benefit of one part of the confederation at the expense of the rest. The journals of these states even recommended the repeal of the act of Union. A numerous public meeting held in Carolina, for the purpose of petitioning the governor to convoke the legislature of the state to take measures for resisting the new tariff, published an address, in which, after asking the question, what shall we do in the present circumstances, they themselves answer it thus:" If we have the common -pride of men, or the determination of freemen, we must resist the imposition of this tariff. We must either retrograde in dishonour and shame, and receive the contempt and scorn of our brethren, superadded to our wrongs, and their system of oppression strengthened by our toleration, or we must, 'by opposing, end them.' To the very last vote in the Congress we have kept this alternative in our minds, still clinging to the vain hope that some kindred feeling-some sense of constitutional justice some spirit of forbearance and compromise-such as influenced our fathers when acting together, and the framers of the constitution, would rescue us from this bitter emergency. In advising an attitude of resistance to the laws, we deem it due to the occasion to state our constitutional faith. For it is not enough that imposts, laid on for the protection of domestic manufactures, are oppressive, and transfer in their operations millions of our capital to northern capitalists. If we have given our bond, let them take our blood. Those who resist those imposts but must deem them unconstitutional, and the principle is abandoned as much by the payment of one cent as ten millions." And these Carolinian legislators concluded thus:"By all the great principles of liberty, by the glorious achievements of our fathers in defending them, by their lives in suffering, and their deaths in honour or in glory, our countrymen, we must resist. Not secretly, as timid thieves, or skulking smugglers,-not in companies and associations, like money-chafferers or stock-jobbers,-not separately and individually, as if this was our, and not our country's cause, openly, fairly, fearlessly, and unitedly, as becomes a free, sovereign, and independent people! Let not time eat away your rights and prescriptions. Plead your sanction to them. Let us assemble in solemn convocation or in legislature; and in firmness, but humility of spirit, rely upon that Providence who has hitherto protected us, to guide and direct our anxious councils."-Other states adopted the less dangerous course of resolving to consume no article the growth or manufacture of those portions of the Union which defended the tariff: "Let the legislatures," said they, "of Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia, and Alabama, meet and prohibit the introduction of horses, mules, cattle, pigs, and other articles from Tennessee, Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, whisky and cheese from New York and Pennsylvania, and we shall soon see what they have gained by their tariff."-By one county it was resolved, that no candidate for the legislature, or for any county office, should be supported, who did not engage to appear "clad in the Georgian homespun." The actual |