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Christ were dead and could no longer defend his CHAP. V. 'own, they take to the sword. And although war be

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a thing so savage that it becomes wild beasts rather 'than men, so frantic that the poets feigned it to be the work of the Furies, so pestilent that it blights at ' once all morality, so unjust that it can be best waged by the worst of ruffians, so impious that it has nothing in common with Christ, yet to the neglect of every'thing else they devote themselves to war alone.'1

A.D. 1510,

On the folly of

war.

Julius II.

and his

fondness

for war.

And this bold satire upon the warlike passions of the Pope was made still more direct and personal by what followed. To quote Ranke once more:-' Old as 'Julius now was, worn by the many vicissitudes of Pope ' good and evil fortune, and most of all by the consequences of intemperance and licentious excess, in the 'extremity of age he still retained an indomitable spirit. 'It was from the tumults of a general war that he hoped 'to gain his objects. He desired to be the lord and 'master of the game of the world. In furtherance of 'his grand aim he engaged in the boldest operations, ' risking all to obtain all.'2 Compare with this picture of the old age of the warlike Pope the following words put by Erasmus into the mouth of Folly, and printed and read all over Europe in the lifetime of Julius himself!

Thus you may see even decrepid old men display 'all the vigour of youth, sparing no cost, shrinking 'from no toil, stopped by nothing, if only they can turn law, religion, peace, and all human affairs ' upside down.' 3

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1 Argent. 1511, leaf G, iii. Eras. chap. ii. s. 1 (abridged quotation). Op. iv. p. 484. 3 Moria Encomium: Argent. 2 Ranke, Hist. of the Popes, M.DXI. leaf G, iii. This edition

CHAP. V.

In conclusion, Folly, after pushing her satire in other A.D. 1511. directions, was made to apologise for the bold flight she had taken. If anything she had said seemed to be spoken with too much loquacity or petulance, she begged that it might be remembered that it was spoken by Folly. But let it be remembered, also, she added, that

Editions of the

'Praise of Folly.'

A fool oft speaks a seasonable truth.

She then made her bow, and descended the steps of her rostrum, bidding her most illustrious votaries farewell-valete, plaudite, vivite, bibite !

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Such was the Praise of Folly,' the manuscript of which was snatched from Erasmus by More or one of his friends, and ultimately sent over to Paris to be printed there, probably in the summer of 1511, and to pass within a few months through no less than seven editions.1

contains all the above passages on
Popes, and was published during
the lifetime of Julius II., as he did
not die till the spring of 1513.

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1 Erasmus writes: 'It was sent over into France by the arrange'ment of those at whose instigation 'it was written, and there printed 'from a copy not only full of mistakes, but even incomplete. Upon 'this within a few months it was 'reprinted more than seven times in 'different places.'-Erasmi ad Dorpium Apologia, Louvain, 1515.

See also Erasmus to Botzhem, where Erasmus says 'Aderam Lu'tetiæ quum per Ricardum Crocum 'pessimis formulis depravatissime 'excuderetur.' (First edition of this letter: Basle, 1523; leaf b, 4.) In the copy affixed to Eras. Op. i. 'nescio quos' is substituted for

'Ricardum Crocum,' who was not
the printer, but the friend of More
who got it published. (See Erasmus
to Colet, Epist. cxlix. Sept. 13, 1511 ́
(wrongly dated 1513), where Eras-
mus says of Crocus, qui nunc
'Parisiis dat operam bonis literis.'
Erasmus was at Paris in April 1511.
(See Epistolæ clxix., cx., and clxxv.
taken in connection with each
other).) In a catalogue of the
works of Erasmus (a copy of which
is in the British Museum Library),
entitled Lucubrationum Erasmi
Roterodami Index, and printed by
Froben, at Basle, in 1519, it is
stated that the Moria Encomium
was 'sæpius excusum, primum
Lutetiæ per Gormontium, deinde Ar-
'gentorati per Schurerium,' &c. The
latter edition is the earliest which
I have been able to procure, and it

A.D. 1511.

settled at

Meanwhile, after recruiting his shattered health under CHAP. V. More's roof, spending a few months with Lord Mountjoy1 and Warham, and paying a flying visit to Paris, it Erasmus would seem that Erasmus, aided and encouraged by Cambridge. his friends, betook himself to Cambridge to pursue his studies, hoping to be able to eke out his income by giving lessons in the Greek language to such pupils as might be found amongst the University students willing to learn, the chance fees of students being supplemented by the promise of a small stipend from the University.3 It seems to have been taken for granted that the 'new learning' was now to make rapid progress, having Henry VIII. for its royal patron, and Erasmus for its professor of Greek at Cambridge.

is dated " mense Augusti M.DXI.' But the date of the first edition printed at Paris by Gourmont I have not been able to fix certainly. According to Brunet, it had no date attached.

After staying at More's house, and there writing the book itself, he may have added the prefatory letter Quinto Idus Junias,' 1510, 'ex rure,' whilst spending a few months with Lord Mountjoy, as we learn he did from a letter to Servatius from 'London from the Bishop's 'house' (Brewer, No. 1418, Epist. cccclxxxv., under date 1510), it is most probable that in 1511 Erasmus paid a visit to Paris, being at Dover 10 April, 1511; at Paris 27 April (see Epistola clxix., cx., and clxxv); and thus was there when the first

edition was printed. His letters
from Cambridge do not seem to
begin till Aug. 1511. See Brewer,
Nos. 1842, Epist. cxvi.; and 1849,
Epist. cxviii. No. 1652 belongs, I
think, to 1513. Possibly No. 1842,
Epist. cxvi., belongs to a later date;
and, if so, No. 1849, Epist. cxviii.,
may be the first of his Cambridge
letters, and with this its contents
would well agree.

1 Brewer, No. 1418. Eras. Epist.
App. cccclxxxv., and see cccclxxxiv.,
dated 1 April, London.

2 Brewer. No. 1478. Eras. Epist. cix. 6, Id. Feb., and it seems, in March 1511, Warham gave him a pension out of the rectory of Aldington. Knight, p. 155.

3

Brewer, No. 4427.

CHAPTER VI.

I. COLET FOUNDS ST. PAUL'S SCHOOL (1510).

CHAP. VI. FULLY as Colet joined his friends in rejoicing at the A.D.1510. accession to the throne of a king known to be favour

herits his

father's fortune.

able to himself and his party, he had drunk by far too deeply of the spirit of self-sacrifice to admit of his rejoicing with a mere courtier's joy.

Fortune had indeed been lavish to him. His elevation unasked to the dignity of Doctor and Dean; the popular success of his preaching; the accession of a friendly king, from whom probably further promotion was to be had for the asking; and, lastly, the sudden Colet in acquisition on his father's death of a large independent fortune in addition to the revenues of the deanery;here was a concurrence of circumstances far more likely to foster habits of selfish ease and indulgence than to draw Colet into paths of self-denial and selfsacrificing labour. Had he enlisted in the ranks of a great cause in the hasty zeal of enthusiasm, it had had time now to cool, and here was the triumphal arch through which the abjured hero might gracefully retire from work amidst the world's applause.

But Colet, in his lectures at Oxford, had laid great stress upon the necessity of that living sacrifice of men's hearts and lives without which all other sacri

fices were empty things, and it seems that after he was CHAP. VI. called to the deanery he gave forth ‘A right fruitfull A.D. 1510. 'Admonition concerning the Order of a good Christian

Man's Life,' which passed through many editions during the sixteenth century, and in which he made use of the following language:

... But in

the duty of

fice.

Thou must know that thou hast nothing that good Colet on is of thyself, but of God. For the gift of nature and self-sacriall other temporal gifts of this world. . . . well con'sidered have come to thee by the infinite goodness ' and grace of God, and not of thyself. 'especial is it necessary for thee to know that God of 'his great grace has made thee his image, having re'gard to thy memory, understanding, and free will, and that God is thy maker, and thou his wretched creature, ' and that thou art redeemed of God by the passion of 'Jesus Christ, and that God is thy helper, thy refuge, ' and thy deliverance from all evil.. And, therefore, think, and thank God, and utterly despise thy6 self, in that God hath done so much for thee, ⚫ and thou hast so often offended his highness, and also done Him so little service. And therefore, by his 'infinite mercy and grace, call unto thy remembrance the degree of dignity which Almighty God hath 'called thee unto, and according thereunto yield thy ⚫ debt, and do thy duty.'

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Colet was not the man to preach one thing and practise another. No sooner had he been appointed

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A right fruitfull Admonition | sometime Deane of Paules. Im'concerning the Order of a good printed at London for Gabriell 'Christian Man's Life, very profit-Cawood, 1577.'- Brit. Museum 'able for all manner of Estates, &c., Library.

'made by the famous Doctour Colete,

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