Imágenes de páginas

§ 84. so that these stems then coincide with those to be treated in

§ 85.

It is difficult to explain the suffix -paya-, which is added regularly to verbal roots in a, more rarely to other roots also, and further to monosyllabic, and also less frequently to other noun-stems in a; in function it corresponds perfectly to -aya-, i.e. -ya-. Before this sf. a is regularly lengthened to ā, or raised a step, e.g. dã-payá-ti, 3 sg. pres. caus. vb. √ da (give); satyā-payá-ti (speaks truth), st. satyá- (true); ar-payá-ti, caus. Var (rise, go); ģńa-payá-ti (makes to know), √ģña (learn)= gan, origl. gan; also others show a instead of regular ā; hence fms. like ģāpayá-ti, caus. √ģi (conquer), appear to be formed acc. to analogy of the frequent roots in a, and not to assume -āpaya- as an element of formation, before which the final of the root must have been lost.

The attempts to prove the existence of this -paya- in other Indo-European languages seem to me unsuccessful on the whole, so that I prefer to consider it as a new formation in Indian, a view which is borne out likewise by the frequent occurrence of -paya- in the Prakrt. Probably they are compound-fms. (Benfey, kl. Sanskritgrammatik, § 123), containing a √pa=ap, meaning 'do, make,' cf. áp-as, Lat. op-us, Gk. πo-ɩéw, f.f pāyayā-mi, the latter (connected with √pa by means of a noun-stem *ποɩο-, i.e. pā-ya-; cf. Sk. stem dā-ya-, giving, masc. gift, √da) formed from this root; pa-ya- will then be a causative stem of this root, precisely in the same way as the causative kāraya-, √kar (make), often appears in the function of the stem-verb.

Note.-Palaya-ti, 3 sg. pres. caus. √pa (protect), is not immediately formed from the root, but from a noun-stem pā-lá (n. sg. pā-lá-s watcher, guard), and is therefore perfectly regular. Greek. Original -a-ya- has become *-a-ye-, *-e-ye, *-o-ye-;

1 For fuller details on derived verbs of Gk. and Lat., cf. Leo Meyer, Vergl. gr. d. Griech. u. Lat. Sprache, ii. 1 sqq.


= Lat.

according to recognized phonetic laws y is lost between vowels § 84. (cf. § 65, 1, e), e.g. τιμᾷ (honours) =τιμάει fr. *τιμαψε-τι fr. τιμή (honour); poira (goes frequently) = *poiтaye-Ti fr. poîтo-s *φοιταψε-τι φοῖτο-ς (frequent going); δαμᾷ = *δαμαψε-τι (cf. δάμ-νημι) doma-t, Sk. damáya-ti, Goth. tamyi-th (tameth), etc.; popeł (bears, durative)=popéeɩ for *popeye-тɩ, origl. bhāraya-ti, stem φόρο- in φόρος, or stem φερε- in φέρει fr. *φερε-τι, by raising of ε to o; oxεî (carries, lets ride) Foxeye-T, origl. form vāghaya-ti, cf. ¿xo-s (waggon), f.f. vāgha-s, and exeɩ, f.f. vagha-ti ; ἀριθμεῖ (counts) = * ἀριθμεψε-τι fr. ἀριθμό-ς (number); οἰκεῖ (dwells), f.f. väikaya-ti, oiko-s (house), f.f. vāika-s; appoveî (is senseless) fr. stem appov- (senseless): thus also from consonantal stems after analogy of vowel-stems, etc. These verbs in -eyeare much used in Gk. (in Lat., on the contrary, those in -a-). Further, χρυσοί (gilds) =χρυσόει fr. *χρυσοψε-τι fr. χρυσός (gold), etc. The less common verbs in -ye- are mostly formed from noun-stems in i, and are not therefore to be traced back to -a-ya-, e.g. κονίω (make dusty) from *κονιιω, *κονιψωμι, fut. κονίσω, stem κόνι- (κόνι-s, gen. κόνιος, κόνεως, dust). Some of these derived verb-stems form presents also by means of -ska- (v. post. "Conjugation”), e.g. ỷẞá-σкe-ɩ (becomes a man, pubescit) beside ǹßậ, Bá-e (ẞn manhood), where nevertheless we may perhaps assume that ẞáoкw is formed direct from stem ẞa- (cf. however Lat.); ἀλδή-σκω (wax) beside ἀλέω, etc.

Since in Gk., after sounds other than origl. a, -ya- is confined to the pres., the derived verbal-stems apparently formed by means of it will occur hereafter, i.e. where we speak of those verbs whose stem is the noun-stem without any further addition.

Note.-In Gk. stem-verbs often assume the form of derived verbs in certain tense-forms, e.g. Téρdw, but Taрdn-ooμai, v. post. § 165.

Latin. In Lat., and, so far as we can see, in the other Italic languages, we find three forms caused by the splitting-up of

§ 84. the a of original -a-ya- into a, e, and through its being weakened to i.

1. -aya- is contracted into -ā-, e.g. sēda-t (sets, settles) for sēdā-t, *sēdayi-t, f.f. sadaya-ti, cf.√sed in sěd-eo (sit); doma-t (tames)= Gk. Sapa, Sk. damáya-ti; in 1 sg. -ayō, i.e. -ayāmi, becomes *ao, by elision of y, retained in Umbrian as au in subocau=Lat. *subuocao, *subuoco; this ao was then further contracted to ō, like Gk. -aw fr. -ayw(μi) to w, e.g. sēdō for *sēdaō-mi,*sēdayō-mi, f.f. sādayā-mi; 2 sg. sēdā-s, f.f. sād-aya-si, etc.; perf. sēdā-vi, part. sēdā-tus. This formation is very common in noun-stems, also in those which end in i no less than those which end in a consonant, e.g. forma-t (shapes) fr. forma (shape); planta-t (plants) fr. planta (plant); fuma-t (smokes) fr. fūmu-s (smoke), st. fūmo-; dōna-t (gives), st. dōno- (dōnu-m gift); formations from participles and the like in -to- are particularly common, e.g. canta-t (sings), st. canto- (cantu-s), past part. pass. of can-it (sings); facta-t (makes, intensive), st. facto-, part. of fac-it (makes); quassa-t (shakes, intensive) fr. quasso-, part. of quat-it (shakes), etc. Of this class are the forms in -tita-, -ita-, like factita-t (makes often), cf. facta-t, dictita-t (says often) beside dicta-t, stem dicto- (dic-it says, √dic); uolita-t (flies, flits) beside uola-t; uocita-t (calls often) beside uoca-t (calls), etc. Further, piscā-tur (fishes) fr. pisci-s (fish); nōmina-t (names) fr. nōmen nōmin-is (name); rēmiga-t (rows), stem rēmig- in rēmex, rēmig-is (rower) [prob. formed fr. stem rēmo- in rēmu-s oar, and ig weakened from ag (ag-ere)]; after the analogy of such forms arose a verbal-termination -igā-, e.g. cast-iga-t, lēu-iga-t, etc., even without a corresponding substantive. A list of verbs in -ā- in Oscan is given by Corssen, Zeitschr. v. 96 sqq.

Note.-In cases like son-ui beside sona-t (sounds) fr. sonu-s (sound), the derivational element is lost, cf. monui in 2.

2. -aya- is contracted to -ē-, e.g. monē-mus fr. *moneyi-mus, f.f. mānayā-masi, 1 pl. pres. caus. verb man (think), moneo

(remind), i.e. mānayā for mānayā-mi, 1 sg. pres.; 1 sg. pf. monui, § 84. not *mone-ui; past part. pass. moni-tu-s, not *moně-tus (v. post. formation of pf. in Lat.); thus e.g. fläueo (am yellow) fr. flauo-s (yellow); caneo (am grey) fr. cānu-s (grey); salueo (am hale) fr. saluo-s (hale); flōreo (bloom) for *flōseo from consonantal stem flōs- (flōs, gen. flor-is for *flōs-is, blossom), etc. Underived verbs have very often assumed this form.

3. -aya- contracted to -i-, 1 sg.. -io-iyo, -ayā fr. -ayā-mi, e.g. sōpio (make sleepy)=*sõpiyō, f.f. svāpayā for svāpayā-mi, sōpīmus =*sōpiyi-mus, f.f. svāp-ayā-masi, 1 sg. pl. pres. caus. verb svap (sleep); perf. sõpi-ui, past part. pass. sõpi-tu-s; molli-mus (soften) =*molliyi-mus fr. molli-s (soft), therefore the i is origl. here, as in many other cases, e.g. fini-mus (we end), fini-s (end); lēnē-mus (we smooth), lēni-s (smooth, mild), etc., yet others are by no means wanting where i is not caused by the termination of the underlying noun-stem, e.g. saeui-mus (we rage), saeuo-s (raging); equi-t (wants the stallion), f.f. akvaya-ti, cf. Sk. açvāya-ti; equo-s (horse), origl. akva-s, Sk. áçva-s; pūnī-mus (we punish), poena (penalty), etc. Examples like custōdi-mus (we guard), stem custōd- (custos guardian), may likewise be reduced to stems in i (custòdi-), because in Lat. all consonantal stems follow the analogy of i-stems in most In this way, by means of a, verbs were formed from the part. (nom. agentis) ending in origl. -tar, Lat. -tōr-, -tūru-s, -retaining the archaic short form of origl. -tar (still found underlying secondary formations such as uic-tr-ic-, doc-tr-īna, fr. *uic-tor-ic-, *doc-tor-ina) — e.g. ēsuri-mus (wish to eat), i.e. *ed-tur-i-mus, f.f. ad-tar-ayā-masi, stem ĕsor-*ed-tor-, origl. ad-tar- (ed-o eat; cf. § 77, 1, b), par-tur-i-mus (wish to bear), fr. *par-tor- (par-io bear), etc.


Note.-Lat. has no verbs corresponding to those of Gk. in -ow: G. Curtius indicates their traces in Ueber die Spuren einer lateinischen o-Conjugation,' Symbola philologor. Bonnens. in honor. Fr. Ritschelii collecta, fasc. i. Lips. 1864, p. 271 sqq.

$ 84.

$ 85.

In Lat. the forms of stem-verbs and derived-verbs are mixed in many ways. Often stem-verbs take the form of derived verbs in the pres. ; under this head come many cases such as e.g. ueni-mus beside uen-i, uen-tum, re-peri-mus beside re-p(e)per-i, re-per-tum. Verbs in co show on the contrary a regular loss of the derivation-element in all stems except the pres., so that here the stem-verbs which assume -ē- (=-aya-) in pres. only (as e.g. sed-e-mus beside sed-i, sessum = *sed-tum; uid-e-mus beside uīd-i, užsum=*užd-tum, § 77, 1, b) cannot be distinguished from derived verbs which have lost the same element.

These derived verb-stems may form (in order to express inchoation) their pres. also by means of -ska- (v. post. formation of pres.-stem), e.g. in-uetera-sci-t (grows old), stem ueterā-= *uetesā- stem ueter- in uetus, ueter-is (old); flâue-sci-t, cf. flăue-t fr. flauo-s; ob-dormi-sci-t (grows drowsy), cf. ob-dormi-ui, ob-dormi-tu-m, etc.

Noun-stems used as verb-stems without change are found here and there in the languages. These formations

are recent.

From this class of stems we must separate those verb-stems (mostly present-stems) which do not presuppose a noun-stem for their formation, though they coincide with one; e.g. tanufrom ta, tan (stretch); bhara-, bhar (ferre), etc.; an origl. tanu-tai, 3 sg. pres. med., bhara-ti, 3 sg. pres. act., are not formed from a noun tanu-s (tenuis), bhara-s (popós), but both are mere coincidences in their stem-formation. If these verbstems had been derived from nouns, the characteristic suffix would have remained throughout, whilst in fact it forms only the present (or aorist), but does not exist in the other tenseOn the other hand, the formations now in question are closely connected with those treated of in the preceding paragraph, from which sometimes they cannot be clearly separated. Sanskrit. Rare, e.g. lõhitá-ti (is red) fr. lóhita-s (red), etc. Greek. Here noun-stems are very often used as verb-stems


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